** Air Raids
Pound Baghdad, Arabic TV Says 50 Dead
By Samia Nakhoul
Reuters
** Missile
Lands Close to Kuwait City Mall
By Reuters
** Halliburton Out of Race for Iraq Deal
By Jonathan Wright
** Israelis trained US troops in Jenin-style urban warfare
By Justin Huggler in Amman
** Gruesome toll grows as army grinds to a halt
By Paul McGeough
**
The politics within -- AL-AHRAM, Cairo.
** Commanders admit unexpected resistance has put paid
to 'quick war' plan
Richard Norton-Taylor
** BBC boss admits 'daily' mistakes in Iraq
Jason Deans
30/03/03.
***************************************************************************************************************************
29 de marzo del 2003
Heinz Dieterich
Steffan
Rebelión
Poco
antes de la invasión estadounidense a Irak en 1991, un gran estratega
militar le envió un consejo a Sadam Hussein. Que su estrategia bélica
lo llevaría hacia una catástrofe y que mejor buscara un arreglo
político que impidiera la destrucción de sus Fuerzas Armadas
y de su país. Ese estratega era Fidel Castro.
El Comandante Fidel Castro en Cuba y el Comandante Manuel Marulanda
en Colombia son dos de los estrategas militares más importantes del
mundo contemporáneo. De tal manera, que una opinión del presidente
cubano en la materia no se toma a la ligera. Sin embargo, Sadam no le hizo
caso. Esta vez, todo indica que la estrategia militar de Irak es más
realista y que se han aprendido algunas lecciones de 1991.
La esencia de esas lecciones es la siguiente. El orden de batalla
y el plan de operaciones de la invasión estadounidense de 1991 seguía
los patrones de las campañas militares de Hitler en el frente oriental.
La topografía de Irak, muy semejante a la del occidente de la URSS,
proporcionaba la clave conceptual para la invasión: grandes planicies
sin obstáculos naturales de consideración, ofrecían
condiciones óptimas para fuerzas blindadas y mecanizadas.
El "teatro de operaciones" de Irak dictaba una lógica militar
ofensiva esencialmente idéntica a la de la guerra nazi contra la URSS,
y lo mismo era válido para la doctrina militar que profesaban los
invasores de la Organización del Tratado del Atlántico Norte
(OTAN): el Blitzkrieg (guerra relámpago) de Hitler, rebautizado en
la OTAN como "Air Land Battle-2000".
Existía en 1991, sin embargo, una diferencia fundamental
frente a los escenarios de Hitler: la revolución tecnológica
en las fuerzas militares aéreas y espaciales, que permite la detección
y destrucción de cualquier blanco táctico en tierra mediante
armas teledirigidas. Ese adelanto significa que de los tres elementos centrales
del Blitzkrieg ---los tanques, la artillería y la fuerza aérea---
los primeros dos se vuelven insignificantes, cuando carecen de superioridad
aérea.
Ni los tanques ni la artillería pesada tienen valor militar,
hoy día, si no tienen defensa aérea, porque los equipos electrónicos
identifican en cuestión de minutos las coordenadas, desde donde disparan,
y pueden destruirlos con suma rapidez. Ya en las guerras árabe-israelíes
de los setenta, esa tecnología estaba tan desarrollada que después
de cada disparo, un tanque tenía que cambiar inmediatamente su posición,
para no ser alcanzado por el enemigo.
Sin defensa aérea adecuada, con una estrategia de la guerra
de posiciones de la Primera Guerra Mundial, los cinco mil tanques, su parque
de artillería y su ejército de un millón de efectivos,
no le sirvieron para nada a Sadam. Fueron destruidos en una matanza unilateral
que se refleja contundentemente en las cifras de bajas de ambos lados.
Las lecciones militares de 1991 y posteriormente, de la guerra
de Kosovo, para pequeños países del Tercer Mundo, fueron obvias.
1. La fuerza aérea de un país subdesarrollado no tiene nada
que hacer frente a la fuerza aérea y espacial estadounidense; por
lo tanto, tiene que descartarse como un factor de poder militar propio. 2.
Lo mismo es válido para su marina de guerra. 3. En países con
una topografía desfavorable para el defensor, como la de Irak, solo
las ciudades pueden suplir el papel de las montañas y selvas.
4. Las ciudades tienen que sustituir también la falta de
espacio y tiempo para retiradas estratégicas, que son imprescindibles
para un exitoso empleo de la defensa estratégica frente a un enemigo
muy superior. 5. La estrategia militar no puede ser la guerra convencional,
sino tiene que ser "la guerra de todo el pueblo", con horizontes de tiempo
prolongados. El papel de las fuerzas regulares consiste en detener temporalmente
el avance enemigo ---con horrendas pérdidas humanas ante la superioridad
enemiga--- mientras que el papel estratégico recae en el pueblo
armado y las tropas especiales.
6. Frente a la enorme superioridad tecnológica y de poder
de fuego del agresor, el éxito de la defensa reside en una combinación
de los siguientes elementos: a) amplias fuerzas especiales, para la guerra
irregular; b) uso extensivo de minas terrestres y marítimas; c) entrenar
entre el pueblo a decenas de miles de francotiradores con fusiles especiales;
d) equipos de visión nocturna; e) pequeños equipos móviles
con cohetes antiaéreos, tal como usaron con gran éxito los
yugoslavos contra la intervención estadounidense; f) organización
descentralizada con sistemas de comunicación confiables, no sólo
entre las unidades de resistencia, sino entre el comando central y esas unidades.
Esto es tan importante en términos operativos, como para mantener
la moral pública.
La estrategia militar empleada actualmente por Irak contra los
"nuevos mongoles" (Sadam Hussein) muestra algunos de esos elementos, aunque
sorprende que parecen no utilizarse minas ni francotiradores. Sin embargo,
la evasión de enfrentamientos directos con las columnas blindadas
estadounidenses, hasta ahora, y el empleo de tácticas de la guerra
irregular en la retaguardia, han sido un gran acierto que junto con las condiciones
climáticas, el extraordinario heroísmo de muchos combatientes
iraqués y la estrategia militar equivocada de Washington, han puesto
en problemas a la invasión gringa.
Mientras los iraquíes han adecuado su estrategia a las condiciones
de la guerra actual, la campaña estadounidense es esencialmente una
réplica de la de 1991. Pero es una réplica con serias deficiencias,
concebida por los estrategas de pacotilla de tipo Donald Rumsfeld, Dick Cheney
y George W. Bush que conocen los campos de batalla solo por las películas
de Hollywood y cuya incultura les impide entender la dimensión de
la política.
Cabezas militares cuadradas y oportunistas, como las de los generales
Tommy Franks, jefe del Comando Central, y Richard Myers, jefe del Estado
Mayor Conjunto, tampoco ayudaron, de tal manera que toda la campaña
fue conceptualizada sobre la noción de Rumsfeld de que los libertadores
se enfrentarían a un tigre de papel.
La guerra psicológica, junto con la demostración del
poderío aéreo y de las armas pesadas en algunas operaciones
quirúrgicas, produciría un rápido colapso en la voluntad
de combate del pueblo y de las fuerzas armadas. La doctrina de Powell de
atacar solo con "fuerza abrumadora" (overwhelming power), fue pasada por
alto, al igual que advertencias de la inteligencia militar sobre la determinación
combativa de las fuerzas paramilitares, y la doctrina del estratega light
Rumsfeld, se impuso.
La falacia de este supuesto estratégico ha obligado a cambiar
toda la arquitectura de la estrategia militar de la guerra estadounidense;
ha creado un problema de legitimidad política existencial para los
nuevos nazis en Washington y Londres; ha aumentado el peligro de una mayor
brutalidad aún de su parte y la amenaza de una desestabilización
general de la región.
El plan de operaciones que preveía el avance relámpago
hacia el "centro de gravedad " iraquí (Bagdad), en una guerra de dos
frentes, mediante columnas armadas que penetrasen desde el norte (Turquía)
y el sur (Kuwait), guiadas por la estrategia de Hitler, y que dejaran
la "liberación" de las ciudades en manos de levantamientos espontáneos
iraquíes, ha fracasado, complicando los tiempos, la logística
y la base ideológica de la agresión.
Esto por cuatro razones. 1. El plan de dejar los "focos de resistencia"
en la retaguardia para una posterior atención, fracasó, porque
desde esos "focos" se realizan operaciones militares contra las líneas
de abastecimiento y comunicación de las tropas de avanzada. 2. La
catástrofe humanitaria de la población civil, por ejemplo,
en Basora, por la falta de agua y alimentos, obliga a los invasores que
están bajo el escrutinio de la opinión mundial, a resolver
ese problema.
Sin embargo, no tienen la capacidad logística para suministrar
millones de litros de agua e inmensas cantidades de alimentos a los iraquíes,
porque ni siquiera han podido garantizarlo para sus propias tropas, por ejemplo,
para la tercera división. Confiaron, en que el levantamiento popular
y la no-destrucción aérea de esa infraestructura iba a resolver
el problema, solución que no se materializó.
Al no colapsar la resistencia bajo los primeros golpes, la cantidad
de tropas y el poder de fuego se volvió insuficiente para el teatro
de operaciones y la estrategia escogida. Según el general Barry McCaffrey,
comandante de la 24 división mecanizada en la guerra de 1991, a los
invasores les faltan "por lo menos dos divisiones pesadas y un regimiento
de caballería blindada" en el terreno. "Eso es lo que dicta la doctrina".
El posterior anuncio del Pentágono, de enviar otros 120 mil soldados
a Irak, confirma los graves errores de planeación y logística
de toda la campaña.
La negación del parlamento turco de facilitar su territorio
para un ataque terrestre estadounidense fue un factor fundamental en este
escenario, al igual que la presión mundial contra la guerra, que obligó
al gobierno de Bush acortar las deliberaciones en el Consejo de Seguridad,
porque mermaban la base ideológica de la agresión. El desplazamiento
de esas unidades blindadas hacia el sur de Irak hubiera requerido alrededor
de cuatro semanas y dentro del contexto de la creciente crítica mundial,
esa espera no le convenía a Washington. Por eso, Bush y Blair lanzaron
la invasión a destiempo, cuando su preparación logística
aun no había terminado.
Lo que ha frenado el avance de los "nuevos mongoles" (Sadam) ha
sido el heroísmo del pueblo iraquí, las condiciones climáticas
de los últimos días, las continuas protestas a nivel mundial
y los propios errores de los agresores. Pero, este éxito táctico
no decide la guerra.
Los nuevos nazis han entendido que subestimaron al enemigo. Adaptarán
muy rápidamente su equivocada estrategia a la nueva situación,
redefiniendo posiblemente el sur de Irak como nuevo "centro de gravitación"
del poder iraquí que tiene que liquidarse antes del asalto a Bagdad.
Los iraquíes no tienen otra posibilidad de defenderse que
evitar el enfrentamiento directo con las fuerzas invasoras en las planicies,
seguir con la guerra irregular, concentrar sus tanques en las ciudades, usar
minas y esperar a los invasores en la lucha urbana.
Esa es la apocalíptica experiencia de Leningrado y Stalingrado.
Para evitarla, sería necesaria una acción concertada de la
Asamblea General de las Naciones Unidas, encabezada por Francia, Alemania,
China y Rusia. Pero, con la cobardía política que generalmente
muestran ante Estados Unidos, la esperanza de detener a los nuevos nazis
por la vía institucional, no es muy grande.
Solo quedan los pueblos, para parar a los jinetes del Apocalipsis
que galopan por la antigua Mesopotamia.
http://www.rebelion.org/dieterich/030329dieterich.htm
*************************************************************************************************************************
29 de marzo del 2003
Con sus tropas empantanadas
en su camino hacia Bagdad, EEUU anunciaba que enviará un importante
refuerzo mientras lanzaba una seria advertencia a Siria e Irán, en
un intento de responsabilizarles de la fuerte resistencia iraquí.
Lo mismo hizo con Rusia hace días pero la diferencia es clara, no
en vano ambos países son sus siguientes objetivos. Muerta por los
bombardeos, de sed o hambre, la población del sur daba ya muestras
de ira contra el invasor.
BASORA.- El Pentágono ha tenido que salir
al paso de las crecientes críticas a sus planes de invasión,
desmintiendo que el anuncio de un nuevo refuerzo de hasta 120.000 soldados
más al sur de Irak suponga un giro en su estrategia de invasión,
frustrada tras más de una semana y con sus tropas empantanadas y con
problemas de suministro en la larga franja de las cuencas de los bajos Tigris
y Eufrates, escenario de una feroz resistencia armada iraquí.
En un claro intento de sacudirse la presión, el jefe del Pentágono,
Donald Rumsfeld, optó por el contraataque verbal, contra dos objetivos
incluido en su«eje del mal»: Siria e Irán.
Concretamente, acusó a Damasco de haber suministrado a Irak «material
militar prohibido por la ONU», y puso como ejemplo las gafas de visión
nocturna. «Tenemos noticias de la existencia de suministros que han
cruzado la frontera de Siria a Irak» y «consideraremos ese tráfico
como una acción hostil».
El pasado domingo, en pleno parón de la «ofensiva relámpago»
hacia Bagdad, Washington dirigió sus ataques contra Rusia por el supuesto
suministro de material similar y de supuestos sistemas de detección
e interferencia de sus misiles.
En clave de advertencia, aseguró que «obviamente»,
cientos de guerrilleros iraquíes han sido entrenados por Irán,
cuentan con vínculos con la Guardia Revolucionaria de la República
Islámica y se encuentran ahora en territorio iraquí».
Tras doce años de durísimo embargo cuyas víctimas
sacan a colación ahora y cínicamente los defensores de la invasión,
el Gobierno de Bagdad se ha visto forzado por la ONU en los últimos
meses a destruir incluso misiles defensivos (como los Al Samud), mientras
observaba cómo, con el aplauso incluso de las cancillerías
contrarias a la guerra, EEUU trasladaba tropas al Golfo Pérsico para
iniciar una invasión anunciada.
Tras acusar durante años a Irak de poseer armas de destrucción
masiva, estas siguen brillando por su ausencia y el Gobierno iraquí
insistía ayer en que los trajes químicos hallados en un hospital
en Nasiriya estaban allí por temor a que el Ejército invasor
utilice parte de su inmenso arsenal de armas químicas o biológicas.
Mientras el segundo de Rumsfeld, Wolfowitz, insistía en que el
despliegue de decenas de miles de soldados mes en el plazo de un mes entraba
dentro de los cálculos, sobre el terreno, el general William Wallace
reconocía que la inesperada resistencia iraquí y dificultades
de abastecimiento han frenado el avance de las tropas hacia la capital, Bagdad.
Dificultades de abastecimiento por continuos hostigamientos a la retaguardia
que contrastan con el drama humanitario de las poblaciones.
El Ejército británico reconocía que la sureña
Basora está «lejos de estar controlada» justificando así
el drama humanitario de su población.
Grupos de vecinos salían del cerco, y televisiones árabes
ofrecían imágenes de la ira de algunos de ellos contra el invasor.
Por contra, el Mando Central acusaba a la resistencia en el interior de disparar
contra la gente que huía. La televisión "Al Jazeera" ofrecía
espeluznantes imágenes de la destrucción civil a causa de los
insistentes bombardeos.
Mientras el Mando Central anunciaba a bombo y platillo la arribada de
un primer buque británico con «ayuda humanitaria» al muelle
de la todavía insegura área de Umm Qsar, 30 kilómetros
al norte, una marea humana asaltaba dos camiones de la Media Luna Roja en
la región de Saffwann.
«Antes de que llegaran los norteamericanos y los británicos
teníamos de todo; ahora no hay agua y no podemos trabajar»,
se quejaba Hamid Abdala.
«Las carreteras están cortadas y no nos llega la comida,
ni podemos vender en el norte lo que hemos cultivado en invierno»,
decía su primo Hosan.
Lejos de allí, en Jordania, autobuses repletos de iraquíes
salen todos los días de la capital, Amman, con destino a su país.
Oriundo de Najaf, y de creencia chiíta, Muhamad Abdel Ali destaca
la diferencia entre esta invasión y la guerra de 1991 y asegura que
volverá a luchar contra el invasor.
«¿Cómo pueden hablar de ayuda humanitaria mientras
invaden y bombardean nuestro país?», señala, parafraseando
un refrán árabe: «Te mato y después camino en
tu funeral».
La aviación angloestadounidense seguía castigando desde
el aire a la población iraquí.
http://www.rebelion.org/imperio/030329gara.htm
*************************************************************************************************************************
Air Raids
Pound Baghdad, Arabic TV Says 50 Dead
By Samia Nakhoul
Reuters
Friday 28 March 2003
BAGHDAD - Fresh explosions shook the Iraqi capital Friday night and Air Raids Pound Baghdad, Arabic TV Says 50 Dead Arabic-language television stations said more than 50 Iraqis had been killed in what they said was an air raid on a marketplace in the city.
Al-Jazeera's correspondent
said 51 Iraqis had been killed and 49 wounded in the market in the city's
Shula neighborhood.
"An Iraqi official told us that the search is still going on for those trapped
under the rubble," he said and showed pictures of bodies, including those
of two children.
Dubai-based Al-Arabiya television reported 52 dead and showed pictures of injured at a hospital. Iraqi government officials were not immediately available for comment.
Abu Dhabi television said U.S. cruise missiles may have hit the market and showed a gaping hole on one street and damaged cars.
An Iraqi woman was shown on Jazeera hitting herself in the face repeatedly as she stared through a window at a wounded young man lying in a hospital bed. A group of men shouted "There is no God but God" as they stood beside an ambulance.
Reuters correspondent Nadim Ladki said a series of blasts hit the city after nightfall after U.S. and British bombs and missiles had pounded the capital in the heaviest day of raids since the war began nine days ago.
Earlier Friday, the Muslim holy day, residents said eight people died in a raid on a Baath party office.
U.S. defense officials said a radar-avoiding B-2 stealth bomber had dropped two 4,600-pound bombs -- known as bunker-busters -- on a communications center in downtown Baghdad.
Iraq swore to fight on and promised "living hell" for the invaders.
Ladki quoted residents as saying the attack on the Baath office in Baghdad's Mansour district at around noon demolished the party's neighborhood office and several nearby houses.
"It basically turned the block into rubble," Ladki said. Local residents said they had pulled eight bodies from the wreckage, including Baath Party militia members and several civilians.
A large fire blazed on the west bank of the Tigris River and thick, billowing smoke rose on the horizon after dozens of blasts in the eastern and southern fringes of the capital.
Iraqi defense positions spat anti-aircraft fire above the rooftops as U.S. missiles hit government offices, including the ministries of information, planning and foreign affairs.
The U.S. military said two precision-guided missiles from one of its bat-wing, radar-evading B-2 stealth bombers had taken out a key communications tower on the east bank of the Tigris.
Ladki said at least one missile plowed into the ground floor of a large telecommunications building in Rashid Street.
Militiamen cleared
rubble from the smashed and smoldering al-Alawiya telecommunications center
in nearby Saadun Street.
"This is a civilian communications center, why did they hit it?" said one
resident. "It seems the serious military action in Baghdad is getting nearer."
The raids knocked out many telephone lines -- some of the first bombing damage to civilian infrastructure.
OIL TRENCHES
Huge plumes of black smoke from burning oil pits, lit by Iraqi forces to try to hamper U.S. and British pilots, clouded the otherwise clear blue skies over the city.
Hundreds of ruling Baath party militiamen armed with AK-47 assault rifles guarded government buildings and manned sandbag positions in public squares and gardens.
Explosions seemed to come from all sides during one concentrated phase of bombing in the early hours of the morning, raising orange-glowing clouds into the night skies.
As dawn broke over the city of five million, the explosions sounded closer to the city's outskirts where units of President Saddam Hussein's Republican Guard are believed to be dug in.
The Al-Salam presidential palace, first hit last week, suffered fresh damage overnight and the muezzin of a mosque nearby hurled defiance through its loudspeakers: "Allahu Akbar" (God is greatest).
Earlier, a flurry of blasts was clearly audible during a live television interview by Iraqi Information Minister Mohammad Saeed al-Sahaf, who said his country would not be intimidated.
"It will become obvious to the world that they (U.S. and British forces) have entered (Iraq) with a kind of stupidity based on a simple idea that 'shock and awe' will make Iraqis kneel," he said, the night sky briefly illuminated behind him.
Missile Lands
Close to Kuwait City Mall
By Reuters
Friday 28 March 2003
KUWAIT - Debris lay scattered around a Kuwait City shopping mall on Saturday, Reuters correspondents at the scene said, after a blast that witnesses said was caused by a missile that landed nearby.
Reuters correspondent William Maclean said the Al-Sharqiah cinema, which was part of the seafront mall in the Souq Sharq district, showed signs of damage to its frontage and roofing but it was unclear whether it had been struck by a missile.
There was a smell of smoke in the area.
A policeman at the scene told Reuters he had seen a missile land in the sea. Other witnesses said the missile appeared to fly in over the sea from the direction of Iraq's Faw peninsula.
Several missiles have been launched at Kuwait from Iraq since the U.S. -led war against Iraq began. Kuwaiti officials say previous missiles launched at Kuwait have all been shot down by Patriot batteries or landed harmlessly in unpopulated areas.
http://truthout.org/docs_03/033003A.shtml
| Halliburton Out of Race
for Iraq Deal By Jonathan Wright WASHINGTON (Reuters) - Energy and construction company Halliburton Co. HAL.N is out of the running for a massive U.S. government contract for reconstruction in Iraq, the Agency for International Development (AID) said on Friday. AID official Timothy Beans told Newsweek magazine that Halliburton, once headed by Vice President Dick Cheney, was not one of the two finalists short-listed for the contract. "I can confirm the information that the director of our procurement office (Beans) shared with Newsweek," said AID spokeswoman Ellen Yount. Halliburton is the second-largest oilfield services firm in the world. The contract, which AID is expected to award within days, is expected to be worth up to $600 million and it covers repairing Iraqi health services, ports and airports, and schools and other educational institutions, an official said. "There has been no final decision made on who will be awarded the capital construction contract," Yount added. Halliburton was one of five companies invited to bid for the contract under an expedited procurement process which was restricted to companies with security clearances. The other companies were Bechtel Group Inc., Fluor Corp. FLR.N , Parsons Corp. and Louis Berger Group Inc. Newsweek said it was not clear if Halliburton removed itself from the running, was asked by the Bush administration to do so or if its bid was not considered competitive. But it quoted Beans as saying: "If I got a phone call from anybody putting any political pressure on me, I would report it immediately to Natsios, as I've been instructed to do." A Halliburton subsidiary, Kellogg Brown and Root, also known as KBR, said on Monday it had won a U.S. government contract to assess and extinguish oil well fires in Iraq. Halliburton has a long history of involvement in military logistical support for the U.S. government. A U.S. lawmaker wrote to the military on Wednesday asking why it had awarded the contract to KBR. In a letter to the U.S. Army Corps of Engineers, Rep. Henry Waxman, a California Democrat, sought details of the wartime contract, and inquired why the administration had not allowed other companies to bid on it. The restricted invitations to bid for the Iraqi contractors has also angered foreign companies, although the money will come from U.S. taxpayers, not from any Iraqi source. |
|
|
|
|
| © Copyright
Reuters 2002. All rights reserved. Any copying, re-publication or
re-distribution of Reuters content or of any content used on this
site, including by framing or similar means, is expressly prohibited
without prior written consent of Reuters.
Quotes and other data are provided for your personal information only, and are not intended for trading purposes. Reuters, the members of its Group and its data providers shall not be liable for any errors or delays in the quotes or other data, or for any actions taken in reliance thereon. © Reuters 2002. All rights reserved. Republication or redistribution of Reuters content, including by caching, framing or similar means, is expressly prohibited without the prior written consent of Reuters. Reuters and the Reuters sphere logo are registered trademarks and trademarks of the Reuters group of companies around the world. |
|
Israelis trained US troops in Jenin-style urban warfareBy Justin Huggler in Amman29 March 2003
The American military has been asking the Israeli army for advice on fighting inside cities, and studying fighting in the West Bank city of Jenin last April, unnamed United States and Israeli sources have confirmed. Reports that US troops trained with Israeli forces for street-to-street fighting have been denied. If the US army believes the road to Baghdad lies through Jenin, there is reason for Iraqi civilians to be concerned. During fighting in the Jenin refugee camp last April, more than half the Palestinian dead were civilians. There was compelling evidence that Israeli soldiers targeted civilians, including Fadwa Jamma, a Palestinian nurse shot dead as she tried to treat a wounded man. A 14-year-old boy was killed by Israeli tank-fire in a crowded street after the curfew was lifted. A Palestinian in a wheelchair was shot dead, and his body was crushed by an Israeli tank. Israeli soldiers prevented ambulances from reaching the wounded and refused the Red Cross access. Using bulldozers, the Israeli army demolished an entire neighbourhood – home to 800 Palestinian families – reducing it to dust and rubble. Martin van Creveld, a professor of military history and strategy at Jerusalem's internationally respected Hebrew University, has told reporters that, following his advice to US Marines, the American military bought nine of the converted bulldozers used in the Jenin demolitions from Israel. Professor van Creveld said he gave advice to marines last year in Camp Lejeune, North Carolina. He said he was questioned about Israeli tactics in Jenin, and told them the giant D9 bulldozers, manufactured for civilian use in the US but fitted with armour-plating in Israel, were among the most useful weapons. Israeli troops at first found they could not get their tanks and armoured vehicles into the narrow alleys of the refugee camp, so they bulldozed wide swaths through houses to get them in. If the US military intends to use converted D9 bulldozers in Iraqi cities, there is cause for concern. When reporters got into the Jenin refugee camp, we found the fronts of houses neatly scythed off so the insides of the houses were visible from the street, with personal belongings, sofas, beds, children's toys, hanging precariously from half-collapsed floors. Israeli use of the bulldozers has not been limited to clearing the way for tanks. They have also been used in collective punishment, such as the destruction of an entire neighbourhood in Jenin after the fighting ended. In Nablus last April, eight members of the al-Shubi family were killed when an Israeli soldier bulldozed their home, burying them alive, despite shouted warnings from neighbours that they were still inside. The Israeli military has supplied US forces with video of incursions by Israeli soldiers into Palestinian cities, said unnamed "security sources". They added that Israeli officers have given their American counterparts extensive briefings on Israeli tactics. One of the tactics identified was the Israeli army's practice of moving from house to house by knocking holes in connecting walls to avoid being exposed in the streets, a practice that has wrecked the homes of thousands of Palestinians. The Israeli army has also routinely used Palestinian civilians as human shields to protect them as they advance, a practice that has continued despite Israeli court rulings forbidding it. There was no word on whether Israeli officers had briefed American troops on this tactic. There were reports in the US and Israel media last November that American troops had been trained by Israeli instructors in a mock-up of a Palestinian city inside an army base in Israel. Those reports have been denied, but an unnamed Israeli source told the Associated Press that US officers did visit the mocked-up Palestinian city and attended a briefing on Israeli training methods. There have also been reports that Palestinians who have fought against Israeli forces in Jenin and other Palestinian cities during Israeli offensives last year have telephoned friends and acquaintances in Iraq to advise them on tactics to use against American and British forces if street-to-street fighting begins. There is another lesson to drawn from Jenin. The Palestinians who defended the city were armed only with assault rifles and crude, home-made booby-traps and pipe-bombs, against the massively better-equipped Israeli army. But they held out for 11 days, and managed to kill 23 Israeli soldiers, 13 of them in a single ambush. When the Palestinians ran out of ammunition, they kept fighting and started throwing stones at the Israeli soldiers. If the much better-equipped Iraqi forces take the same attitude to defending Baghdad and other cities the battles could be bloody. http://news.independent.co.uk/world/middle_east/story.jsp?story=391823 |
|
Silver stars and red tracer fire lit the sky as the Al Shualla people washed their dead - as many as 58 of them were slaughtered when a bomb exploded in their little marketplace.
Some carried blanket-draped coffins through darkened alleyways, others strapped them to the roofs of battered cars.
But from all houses the same teary cries drifted into the chilly night: "There is no god but God."
As each family group left
the
mosque, the men faced Mecca in prayer and the lights of passing cars etched
the outline of their women, standing in tight knots off to the side.
Iraqi officials insist this bomb, the second in 48 hours to hit a civilian market, was dropped by a US or British jet. The Americans are investigating; they say they don't know.
But the suffering and the grief radiating from a small crater in this impoverished Shi'ite neighbourhood in Baghdad will make it harder for ordinary Iraqis to see the US-led invasion force as an army of liberation, rather than one of conquest.
At the Al-Noor Hospital, 500metres from the marketplace in north-west Baghdad, tearful men held each other in their arms as distraught women yelled the names of the dead.
A man, sobbing with grief, called over and over: "That man! That man!" Relatives said he was referring to President George Bush, who, in Washington, appeared to be warning of more setbacks before victory in saying: "We are now fighting the most desperate units of the dictator's army. The fierce fighting under way will demand further courage and further sacrifice, yet we know the outcome of this battle."
In the face of stiff resistance and severe front-line problems - security and logistic - US commanders have now decided on a pause of up to six days in their advance on Baghdad.
The Al Shualla carnage came on a day in which the US seemed to put aside its undertaking not to damage Iraq's infrastructure: waves of strikes, including the first confirmed use of 4700-pound (2100 kilogram) bunker-buster bombs, destroyed much of Baghdad's telephone system.
In Al Shualla, at 6.30pm, people were busy in the market. Ghannun Hussein was waiting for his 59-year-old father with the vegetables for their evening meal when he heard the whoosh of a missile.
Standing by his father's hospital bed later, he said: "I heard the explosion. I ran. All the people were on the ground; people's arms and legs were cut off, there was too much blood."
Najin Abdula, who works at the hospital, raced to the scene: "There was the body of a man with no head. I stopped cars in the traffic to get them to bring the injured to the hospital."
Then he opened the door of a morgue refrigerator for The Sun-Herald. Inside were five bodies. One young man had half his head blown away; the nose of another was gone and his flesh and clothing were torn.
As family members and hospital staff, many in tears, worked feverishly, survivors who could talk spoke of their split-second encounter with war.
Khalid Jabar Hussein, 49, with shrapnel in his arm, wrist and leg, said: "First I heard an aircraft and then the missile coming at us and I don't know anything after that. I fell down."
Sajaja Jaafur, one of five in her family who were injured, lay in her bed, crying with pain as she tried to turn to face her mother.Her lovely olive skin was torn, there was a tube in her nose and a blood-stained dressing around her abdomen.
Samaan Kadhim, 52, sedated with a bad gash on his back, said: "This was a civilian area, there were no soldiers. It was just a market."
In the midst of all this, Dr Ahmed Sufian lashed out: "Our floors are covered with blood of our people, the walls are splashed with blood. Why, why, why? Why all this blood? I'm a doctor, but I can't understand such things. They say [they] come to free us? Is this freedom?"
There was no overt support for Saddam Hussein, but all blamed the US for the bombing. There was no hostility towards western reporters invited by families to witness their grief.
"America did this to us," said 50-year-old Kadhim Ali. "Why does it hate the Iraqi people?"
This story was found at: http://www.smh.com.au/articles/2003/03/29/1048653903996.html
|
2 hours, 1 minute ago
|
|
CENTRAL IRAQ (AFP) - Iraqi civilians fleeing heavy fighting have stunned and delighted hungry US marines in central Iraq (news - web sites) by giving them food, as guerrilla attacks continue to disrupt coalition supply lines to the rear.
|
Sergeant Kenneth Wilson said Arabic-speaking US troops made contact with two busloads of Iraqis fleeing south along Route Seven towards Rafit, one of the first friendly meetings with local people for the marines around here.
"They had slaughtered lambs and chickens and boiled eggs and potatoes for their journey out of the frontlines," Wilson said.
At one camp, the buses stopped and women passed out food to the troops, who have had to ration their army-issue packets of ready-to-eat meals due to disruptions to supply lines by fierce fighting further south.
Civilians have remained largely out of sight since the invasion began 10 days ago. Towns and villages are virtually deserted, prompting speculation that most had shifted to safer ground before the fighting began.
Corpsman Tony Garcia said the food donation was an act of appreciation for the American effort to topple the brutal regime of Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein (news - web sites).
"They gave us eggs and potatoes to feed our marines and corpsmen. I feel the local population are grateful and they want to see an end to Saddam Hussein," he said.
"It was a lovely, beautiful gesture."
Khairi Ilrekibi, 35, a passenger on one of the buses, which broke down near the marine position, said he could speak for the 20 others on board.
In broken English he told a correspondent travelling with the marines: "We like Americans," adding that no one liked Saddam Hussein because "he was not kind."
He said Iraqi civilians living near him were opposed to Saddam Hussein and that most were hiding in their homes and were extremely tired.
Lance Corporal David Polikowsky stood guard over 70 POWS near the broken down bus, saying how grateful he was for food cooked and donated by locals, which included oranges.
Looking on warily at the POWS he was guarding, who included two Jordanians, as well as an Iraqi colonel, captain, major and second lieutenant from special forces and the regular army, he said he had been moved by comments from local civilians.
He said they told him: "We welcome you. What is your name? We will pray for you."
He said another group of POWS, largely conscripts, had been moved south.
"They told me they wanted to go to America after the war. I said where. They said California. I said why? They said the song Hotel California and they left singing Hotel California."
Soldiers with this marine division -- on the east of a two-pronged thrust toward Baghdad -- have seen some of the fiercest fighting of the war so far.
They battled their way through heavy fire at Nasiriyah, Sharat and Rafit before pausing to resupply within 250 kilometres (180 miles) of Baghdad on Thursday.
Prisoners have been taken and pockets of displaced people carrying white flags have been seen along the way. Some have waved, others have asked the marines for cigarettes and water.
But US troops have been keeping a wary distance from civilians, mindful of reports that some Iraqi forces were mingling with civilians in order to drift through American lines and launch surprise attacks.
Ambushes and harassing fire along the massive communications lines to Kuwait in the south have caused casualties and disrupted supplies of water, food and fuel to the frontline troops.
Garcia and Wilson are attached to a Shock Trauma Platoon with the Marine Expeditionary Force and have treated about 20 civilians for war-related wounds in the past five days.
As troops munched on their feast, one medic warned the food could have been deliberately contaminated.
He was quickly disregarded as the hungry marines forged ahead to make a fondue out of a donated tin of Australian processed cheese, but the potatoes were eaten before the cheese could melt.
"Man I never thought a boiled egg could taste so damn good," one burly marine observed.
|
31
Oct. - 6 Nov. 2002 Issue No. 610 Features |
Current issue Previous issue Site map |
|
| Published in Cairo by AL-AHRAM established in 1875 | Recommend this page | ||
The politics within -- AL-AHRAM, Cairo.
Depleted uranium makes impressive coating for bombshells. It also summons a familiar mix of political gimmickry, technical obfuscation, and humanitarian dithering, Hala Sakr reports
After the Gulf War in 1991, Iraqi doctors began publishing alarming figures about the rising frequency of malignancy and congenital malformations, particularly in southern Iraq and around Basra. "Cancer cases rose from 5,884 cases in 1989 to 14,752 in 2001. Leukaemia has particularly increased in the south, where we detected depleted uranium (DU). And birth defects climbed from 1.9 per cent of births in 1989 to 7.4 per cent in 2001," Ayed Mohan Al-Delaimi, director general of preventive medicine at the Iraqi Ministry of Health told Al-Ahram Weekly.
According to Ashraf El-Bayoumi, professor of chemistry at Michigan State and Alexandria universities and former head of the Iraq observation unit of the World Food Programme, "DU was first tested in combat during the Gulf War in 1991, where between 300 and 800 tonnes were used by the allied forces against Iraq. Later DU weapons were used in smaller quantities in the Balkans (1994) and Yugoslavia (1999)." "Kuwait was not spared either," he added, referring to the huge explosion that occurred in the US-army base in Doha in July 1991. As much as four tonnes of DU burned in fire, causing widespread health and environmental hazards. An American radiological contamination team, sent to the site after the fire, confirmed that it had caused oxidation and dispersal of DU.
Due to its high density, DU is used to increase the piercing power of shells and to render tanks less vulnerable to penetration from conventional rounds. It is a by-product of the enrichment process used to produce weapons-grade nuclear material and nuclear fuel. Around 50 years of nuclear weapon and nuclear fuel production in the US have left massive quantities of DU. According to El-Bayoumi, about one million tonnes of DU have been created in this fashion. "Storing such large amounts of radioactive and poisonous material presents a burden to the US government, which therefore provides it free-of-charge to arms manufacturers who reap huge profits as a result," he explained.
A report documenting the aftermath of the Gulf War, 1993- 1995, was published by the German Ahriman-Verlag in 2000, under the title: Uranium Projectiles, Severely Maimed Soldiers, Deformed Babies, Dying Children. "This time, the US had the added bonus... of being able to dispose of the dangerous waste generated by their atomic industry conveniently and cheaply. Today's Iraq is thus a nuclear waste dump -- with shocking consequences for the population," the report stated.
NATO and US military officials repeatedly disputed such reports. "The reasons for the denials are related to legalistic aspects, compensation issues and human rights consideration," said El-Bayoumi.
The Scottish publication The Sunday Herald ran an on-line article by F Arbuthnott and N Mackay, on 7 January 2001, in which the authors quote Doug Rokke, former director of the Pentagon's Depleted-Uranium Project, on the matter. "US and British military personnel, as part of NATO, willfully disregarded health and safety and the environment by their use of DU, resulting in severe health effects... I and my colleagues warned US and British officials that this would occur. They disregarded our warning because to admit any correlation between exposure (to DU) and health effects would make them liable for actions wherever these weapons have been used," Rokke said.
At a meeting of the National Vietnam and Gulf War Veterans Coalition, November 2000, Rokke said that: "Since 1991, numerous Department of Defense (DOD) reports have stated that although DOD officials have stated over and over that the vital chemical and biological logs were misplaced or lost, US Government Accounting Office representatives and the Pulitzer Prize winning author Seymour Hersch have verified that these logs were ordered destroyed in Florida, during December 1996, while Congressional committees were conducting hearings on potential exposures."
"This is all about liability! Therefore the truth must be suppressed. If what happened is acknowledged, then specific individuals within our government and other governments will be required to accept responsibility for the consequences of deliberate actions," Rokke charged.
The issue burst on the public scene when six Italian veterans who had served in Kosovo died of leukaemia. "It was only then that the appropriate attention was triggered," said Iraq's Health Minister Umeed Medhat Mubarak. Iraqis were not the only people at risk, yet US officials continued to minimise the hazards and disassociate the increased cancer cases in Iraq from DU effects.
"This pattern of American official behaviour is not unusual. It is remarkably similar to other situations, particularly the case of the Agent Orange (a defoliating herbicidal that had been used in Vietnam to expose the revolutionary combatants to US war planes and caused cancer to many US Vietnam veterans). It was only recently that the US National Academy of Science admitted some link between Agent Orange and the cancer it induced. Perhaps, 30 years from now, they would issue a similar report in relation to DU," El-Bayoumi commented.
El-Bayoumi also recalled what happened to US soldiers who had been exposed to radioactive fallout during testing of atomic bombs in the 50s. Out of 300,000 exposed, only about 400 received compensation because of the difficulty to document and provide the required evidence. (Suggested reading: Howard Rosenburg; Atomic soldiers, American Victims of Nuclear Experiments; Beacon Press; 1980).
In his address to the war veterans, Rokke said, "too many individuals around the world are suffering and dying because of our (US) deliberate action. The health and environmental problems are not limited to Iraq or surrounding areas... Similar adverse health and environmental effects have been identified within and around US military installations or Department of Energy facilities in Alabama, Washington, California, Alaska, Tennessee, Korea, Panama, Germany, Philippines, Maryland, Nevada, Florida, California, and especially surrounding the US Navy range on the Vieques, Puerto Rico."
In the early 90s, German professor Siegwart-Horst Günther, while teaching infectious diseases and epidemiology at Baghdad University, had the opportunity to conduct extensive studies in Iraq related to the health consequences of DU. His research established similarities between symptoms of exposure to DU and the so-called Gulf War Syndrome exhibited by US and British soldiers and their children. El-Bayoumi pointed out that "the pattern of the different kinds of cancer in southern Iraq are also very similar to those in areas near Chernobyl, the site of the nuclear reactor's explosion."
The lethal substance was to rear its head again, in Afghanistan this year. Dai Williams, independent researcher and occupational psychologist wrote a report titled: Mystery Metal Nightmare in Afghanistan? "The immediate concern for professionals and employees of aid organisations remains the threat of extensive DU contamination in Afghanistan," he said. This concern is expressed by Robert James Parsons in his article: Deleted Uranium in Bunker Bombs: America's Big Dirty Secret (Le Monde Diplomatique, on-line, March 2002).
Several Pakistani newspapers raised the matter in their reports on the war in Afghanistan. The daily Dawn cited "a leading military expert claiming that since October 7 (the beginning of the strikes on Afghanistan), the US Air Force has been raining down DU shells at targets inside Afghanistan". The Weekly Independent asserted that "weapons loaded with processed nuclear waste have been used as secret weapons in the US-led air strikes against the Taliban."
"It is unquestionable that DU was used in Iraq. The evidence provided by Iraqi scientists cannot be neglected. Conclusive evidence requires an independent study. And this should have been the role of the World Health Organisation, WHO. Instead, the case was lost between the WHO and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA)," El-Bayoumi said.
"The US government is not keen to have such evidence, for financial and political reasons. Financially, thousands of American veterans could succeed in receiving due compensation. Politically, they could provide grounds for war crime accusations," El-Bayoumi elaborated.
Early in 2001, Carla del Ponte, chief prosecutor at the International War Crimes Tribunal, stated that NATO's use of DU could be investigated as a possible war crime, "if coherent results emerge directly linking the use of DU ammunition with health problems".
The WHO has repeatedly been criticised for not acting promptly on the matter. Writing in Le Monde Diplomatique, Robert James Parsons stated that "the WHO undertook no proper epidemiological study, only an academic desk study. Under pressure from IAEA, WHO confined itself to studying DU as a heavy metal chemical contaminant."
Similar criticism of the position of the WHO and IAEA appeared in a recent press release issued on 8 October 2002 by Public Citizen, a Washington-based consumer advocacy group founded by Ralph Nader, the Green Party presidential candidate for 2000. The release accused the WHO of contributing to the global campaign led by IAEA to promote "commercialisation and consumer acceptance of irradiated food". The report claimed that the WHO has "ceded to IAEA, whose mission is preserving the nuclear industry not the health of the people, the ultimate power of researching the safety of irradiated foods".
Abdel-Aziz Saleh, former deputy regional director and consultant to WHO's Eastern Mediterranean Regional Office (EMRO), said that "the issue of DU in Iraq has been brought to the attention of the WHO at least seven to eight years ago. The WHO's perspective was... that we needed to develop a scientific plan for how to handle the problem."
In 2001, the WHO published a monograph on DU, which again drew much criticism. Parsons wrote that "it was a review of existing scientific literature... mostly restricted to chemical contamination. The very few articles on radiation [the monograph used] came from the Pentagon and the Rand Corporation, the Pentagon think-tank. The recommendations were plain common sense and repeated advice previously given by WHO and repeatedly echoed by aid organisations in Kosovo."
The United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP) also published a report on DU which, according to Parsons, is "frequently cited by those claiming that DU is innocuous". He questioned the independence and neutrality of both agencies. "The Kosovo assessment mission, that provided the basis for the UNEP analysis, was... using maps supplied by NATO."
In August 2001, a team from the WHO, headed by Abdel- Aziz Saleh, conducted a visit to Baghdad to investigate the lraqi claims. Saleh told Al-Ahram Weekly that "the development of the protocol for scientific studies of the potential effect of DU on health was the main outcome of our visit. This is, by all means, a very good step forwards." As yet, the scientific investigation needed to fill the knowledge gap has not been accomplished. "The delay in conducting the studies is not within the hands of the WHO. We should try to carry this out as soon as possible but, in the meantime, we are aware of the possible long-term effects," Saleh added.
Many organisations, including the International Action Centre, led by former US Attorney-General Ramsey Clark, and Amnesty International, have for years called for an international ban of the use of DU altogether. In his speech to the war veterans, Rokke, former director of the Pentagon's Depleted- Uranium Project, asserted that the Americans have "the ultimate obligation, as leaders of the world to provide medical care or medical care recommendations to all that are sick, [and] to complete environmental remediation of contamination caused by our deliberate actions, throughout the United States and the rest or the world".
According to El-Bayoumi, "pressure has to be applied by various means for an independent investigation by the WHO of DU health hazards in Iraq, Kuwait, former Yugoslavia and perhaps Afghanistan, in preparation to ban the use of these weapons. They harm civilians and the environment and their effect persists for years."
He stressed that an "Independent objective investigation should be undertaken by people who are not connected to DU manufacturers in any way and who are not officials of governments that had used DU. It should be conducted by people with a clean record from various parts of the world."
"I am sure that there are people within the WHO that are eager to carry out such an investigation objectively. But the UN, under the current new world order and the hegemony of the US government, seems incapable of fulfiling its basic commitments," he lamented.
Source: Ramsey Clark et al, Metal of Dishonour, 2nd edition, International Action Centre. New York:1999
As the US nearly doubled the strength of its force by flying in a further 120,000 troops - not expected to be deployed in Iraq until the end of April - and subjecting Baghdad to the heaviest bombing for several days, British commanders admitted that their troops were nowhere near to control ling Basra, the second largest city.
Basra was "clearly nowhere near yet in our hands," a British military spokesman, Colonel Chris Vernon, said. He admitted that the resolve and number of irregular Iraqi forces in the city were greater than anticipated.
General William Wallace, the US army's senior commander in Iraq, said that the unexpected tactics of Iraqi fighters, and the US army's stretched supply lines, were slowing down the campaign.
"The enemy we're fighting is different from the one we'd war-gamed against," he told the Washington Post and New York Times.
General Sir Mike Jackson, head of Britain's army, declined to predict how long the war would last. He said that media references to coalition troops being "bogged down" were "tendentious". Iraqi forces in southern Iraq were "pinned down", he insisted.
But he too acknowledged that the invading troops had not seen "displays of a welcoming population". By his side at a Ministry of Defence press conference in London, Adam Ingram, the armed forces minister, said coalition troops "must convince Iraqis of their good intentions".
In one of the areas where resistance has been unexpectedly tough, US marines and Iraqi forces exchanged tank and artillery fire in the southern city of Nassiriya. Several buildings, including the power plant, were ablaze.
In Baghdad, the biggest bombs so far were dropped. Two 4,500lb "bunker busters" bombs struck a communications tower in the Iraqi capital.
In the south of the country, British military officials said that Iraqi forces were shooting at around 2,000 civilians trying to flee the fighting and a humanitarian crisis in the besieged city of Basra.
The major objective in the north was to seize the valuable oilfields near the city of Kirkuk, about 80 miles from a drop by American paratroopers on Thursday. "Kirkuk is key," said Major Mike Hastings of the US army's 173rd Airborne Brigade. "The Iraqis want it, the Kurds want it, the Turks want it."
At the US central command in Qatar, Brigadier-General Vince Brooks said Iraqi prisoners had told US forces that chemical weapons had been sent to the Republican Guards' Medina division, entrenched south of Baghdad. The PoWs had reported deployments of shells containing mustard gas, sarin, and nerve agents, he said. Intelligence sources played down the significance of the appearance in a film of an Iraqi cabinet meeting of a woman believed to be Huda Salih Mahdi Ammash, one of Iraq's senior biological weapons experts.Mark Damazer, the deputy director of BBC News, also admitted the BBC had been making mistakes "on a daily basis" during the first week of the Iraq conflict, but denied there was any deliberate bias towards either the pro or anti-war camps.
"I don't deny for a moment that the accumulation of things that have happened in the first week, such as the false claims about the fall of Umm Qasr and the surrender of the Iraqi 51st division, have left the public feeling they are not as well informed as they should be," Mr Damazer said.
"But it's perfectly proper for us to say 'a British defence source has said there's an uprising in Basra' and not report it as gospel truth. We attribute wherever possible to a source. The secret is attribution, qualification and scepticism," he added.
Mr Damazer said allegations by the anti-war lobby that the BBC had become "shackled" by the government and military were "profoundly ill-judged and unfair".
"Although it's unquestionably true that we make mistakes, and on a daily basis, we don't only make them in [a pro-war] direction," he added, speaking last night at a meeting of Media Workers Against the War.
Mr Damazer admitted one of the areas where the BBC had made mistakes was in its use of language, but that it was seeking to put this right.
"If we have used the word 'liberate' in our own journalism, as in 'such and such a place had been liberated by allied forces', that's a mistake," he said.
"That is the wrong language to use without evidence of Iraqi people feeling as though they have been liberated," Mr Damazer added.
He said it was also "not good" to open a news bulletin by announcing that the death of two soldiers was the "worst possible news for the armed forces".
Mr Damazer added that although the death of two soldiers was obviously
the "worst possible news for their families", far worse things could happen
on the battlefield with far greater loss of life, for which language such
as "the worst possible news for the armed forces" would be more appropriate.
***************************************************************************************************************************
REUTERS
| Pentagon Keeps Return of Iraqi War Dead from
Media WASHINGTON (Reuters) - The Pentagon has no plans to allow media access to a U.S. Air Force base receiving the bodies of American soldiers killed in Iraq, a Defense Department spokeswoman said on Friday. The remains of 18 soldiers killed in the Iraq campaign and six who died in a helicopter crash in Afghanistan have arrived at Dover Air Force Base in Delaware since Tuesday. Each time, a military chaplain has uttered prayers and an honor guard has carried flag-draped aluminum coffins to waiting vehicles. In some past conflicts, news cameras and reporters were allowed to record the transfer of soldiers' remains at the Dover base, which houses the U.S. military's largest morgue. But a Defense Department spokeswoman said a policy in place since the 1991 Gulf War shields the return of war dead from the media spotlight and encourages family members not to attend. She said the policy was adopted at the urging of soldiers' families. "No major conflict dating back to the Gulf War has permitted media coverage during a remains transfer," she said. An exception was made in 1996 when the White House requested media coverage after a plane carrying U.S. Commerce Secretary Ron Brown and 32 others crashed in Croatia, killing everyone on board. The Pentagon has no plans to deviate from the policy during the war in Iraq. Dover Air Force Base has been receiving military remains since 1955, including military victims of the Sept. 11, 2001, attacks. It also handled remains of astronauts killed in the Feb. 1 crash of the space shuttle Columbia. |
|
|
|
|
| © Copyright
Reuters 2002. All rights reserved. Any copying, re-publication or
re-distribution of Reuters content or of any content used on this
site, including by framing or similar means, is expressly prohibited
without prior written consent of Reuters.
Quotes and other data are provided for your personal information only, and are not intended for trading purposes. Reuters, the members of its Group and its data providers shall not be liable for any errors or delays in the quotes or other data, or for any actions taken in reliance thereon. © Reuters 2002. All rights reserved. Republication or redistribution of Reuters content, including by caching, framing or similar means, is expressly prohibited without the prior written consent of Reuters. Reuters and the Reuters sphere logo are registered trademarks and trademarks of the Reuters group of companies around the world. |
*******************************************************************************************************