No. 885
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FULL SPECTRUM EMANCIPATION IN VENEZUELA
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Aclarando el panorama
Para quienes quieren un análisis serio sobre el "Refraudazo" Por: Roldan Tomas Suárez
Publicado el Martes, 02/12/03 04:44pm |
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| Tuesday, Dec 02, 2003 | 
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By: Venezuelanalysis.com
Caracas, Dec 2 (Venezuelanalysis.com)The fourth day of the opposition’s petition drive to call for a recall referendum against President Chavez ended today amidst celebrations and an odd media silence.
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| Even in El Paraiso, a middle-class sector of Caracas whose population
is believed to be mostly opposed to President Chavez, few people came out
to sign. Photo taken on Sunday Nov 30, at noon. Photo: Ignacio Labrador |
While opposition leader Henry Ramos Allup suggested that the opposition had collected four million signatures, another opposition leader, Enrique Mendoza urged the supporters of the opposition to go onto the streets and to celebrate their success. His call, however, was largely ignored.
Chavez supporters, on the other hand, such as Infrastructure Minister Diodado Cabello, said that the opposition had collected no more than two million signatures, which would mean that the opposition’s campaign failed, since at least 2.4 million signatures are necessary to convoke a recall referendum. Leaders of Chavez’ party, the MVR, called for people to gather in front of the presidential palace. That evening a large enthusiastic crowd of thousands of Chavistas gathered to celebrate what they considered to be their victory over the opposition. (For a comparison of the opposition and Chavista celebrations, see: http://www.aporrea.org/audio/1103/011203.rm)
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| In the low middle-class San Juan neighborhood in Caracas very few
came out to sign. Photo taken on Saturday, Nov 29. Photo: Pedro Eusse |
President Chavez addressed the crowd late in the night, in a victory speech, which went well past midnight. In the course of his speech he reiterated the charges of fraud which were raised during the petition drive. Also, he strongly criticized OAS secretary general Ceasar Gaviria for not coming to visit him and for making pronouncements that the petition drive was without major fraud issues.
Media Silence
While Venezuela’s state television channel broadcast almost continuous coverage of the day’s pronouncements, the private mass media devoted their coverage to regular entertainment programming.
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| Military personnel guard an emty anti-Chavez petition center in
La Dolorita, Miranda state. Photo taken on Monday, Dec 1st. Photo: Frank Lanz |
In the past, when important political events occurred in Venezuela, the oppositional private television channels would pre-empt their normal programming even for minor announcements. This time, the private television channels practically did not broadcast live footage, political analysis or commentaries of the day’s events. The number of empty signature collection centers made it difficult for the TV stations to show signs of important turn out rates on the part of the opposition.
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Reafirmazo..???
Por: Nixon Molina
Publicado el Martes, 02/12/03 10:34am |
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Masacre electoral
Por: José Sant Roz
Publicado el Martes, 02/12/03 09:35am |
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| (Fotos y Video) El fracaso opositor
en toda Venezuela, en imágenes y video. La mayoría ratifica
su apoyo a Chávez
Por:
Martín Sánchez - Aporrea.org
Publicado el Martes, 02/12/03 01:15am Vea la celebración pro-chavista y la opositora el lunes 1ro de Diciembre en la noche (Real Video) |
Es más que evidente para todos los habitantes de Venezuela, al ver tantas mesas vacias en tantos lugares, que la oposición no pudo recolectar los 2.4 millones de firmas necesarias para solicitar un referendo revocatorio contra el popular Presidente venezolano.
El video clip, mostrando el contraste de la alegría bolivariana y las sonrisas falsas de la oposición en la noche del lunes, habla por sí mismo tambien.
En Aporrea confesamos estar un tanto sorprendidos de haber visto tanta apatía por parte de la oposición, y tantos centros de recolección de firmas vacíos durante los cuatro días de jornada anti-chavista. Sólo durante el primer día se notaba entusiasmo en las zonas de clase media y clase alta de Caracas. Ver el patético estado de la Plaza Altamira, otrora símbolo de rebeldía contra Chávez, es para ponerse a llorar.
El grado de descrédito de los líderes de oposición, quienes llevan a sus seguidores de fracaso en fracaso, es uno de los causantes de este fracaso. Los programas sociales del Presidente Chávez, a pesar de la crisis económica producto del saboteo opositor, han causado efectos positivos en la población.
Aporrea agradece a los reporteros(as)/fotógrafos(as) independientes que hicieron posible esta galería que registra para la historia, el nuevo fracaso de sectores de oposición.
Felicitamos al pueblo venezolano por esta gran demostración de puesta en práctica de nuestra Constitución Bolivariana.
Sabemos que los líderes de la oposición van a patalear y a decir que recolectaron unas 4 millones de firmas. Como quieran que se tongoneen, se les ve el bojote. La evidencia gráfica que presentamos abajo, es el bojote de una oposición que ya ni sabe ni tongonearse.
Créditos:
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Jose Vicente Rangel denuncia Megafraude
Por: Aporrea
Publicado el Lunes, 01/12/03 01:58pm |
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| Monday, Dec 01, 2003 |
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By: Venezuelanalysis.com
Caracas, Dec 1.- Venezuela’s National Electoral Council (CNE) said yesterday that there were enough petitions available in all states for the third and fourth day of the signature collection drive to request a recall referendum on President Chavez mandate.
Venezuela's new Constitution, drafted during Chavez's first year in office by an elected Constituency Assembly and approved by referendum, allows citizens to recall any elected official after half of their term in office.
Pro-Chavez groups collected signatures last week to request referenda on opposition lawmakers, with no reports of irregularities by opposition observers. In contrast, the current anti-Chavez signature drive has been obscured by dozens of reports of irregularities, some of which are being investigated by the CNE.
The CNE delivers petitions enough for 66% of registered voters in each area, at the rate of 25% per day. Affluent areas of Caracas, where anti-Chavez sentiment is high, reported lack of petitions, which forced many to go to working class sections of the city to sign. The petitions can be signed anywhere. Pro-Chavez groups have reported seen busses being brought into their local areas, full of people from other states or areas.
Even with the flow of middle and upper-class people, signature collection centers remained almost empty this Sunday at working-class sections of Caracas. In the interior the situation was similar.
Media coverage
Commercial anti-Chavez media haven't given any coverage to pro-Chavez groups reports of irregularities, even when sufficient evident exists, such as the case of the ID card cloning operation at a local school, and the use of banned computer equipment at signature collection centers on the part of the opposition.
On the other hand, state media has given little coverage to anti-Chavez groups' claims of lack of petitions in affluent sections of Caracas.
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Ante mega-fraude, Acción Democrática
dice que ya recogieron "4 millones de firmas"
Por: Prensa Alcaldia de Caracas
Publicado el Domingo, 30/11/03 10:36pm |
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Denuncia. Atención Conatel Intercable
suspendió señal de VTV en Barinas. Cumaná sin señal
de VTV
Por: Varios
Publicado el Lunes, 01/12/03 09:17am |
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Denuncia. Oposición planea destruir planillas
con las firmas
Por: Prof. Oscar Gonzalez
Publicado el Lunes, 01/12/03 12:34am |
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| Sunday, Nov 30, 2003 |
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By: Michael Lebowitz
After unofficially observing part of the first day's signature campaign to recall Hugo Chavez, on Saturday I joined about 50 others in a group of official observers. Our group (which includes Italian and Spanish politicians, European journalists, Latin American activists and legislators) is hustled into a bus and several vans, and we go off on a mystery trip to locations selected by the National Electoral Commission. After about an hour's ride, we were disgorged somewhere in the state of Vargas. As we approached the signature table (located in a barrio) , we were cheered and chanted at by about 20 Chavists (many redshirted) to the right of the tables. To the left of the tables, there were around 50 happy, singing people accompanied by loud music coming from a nearby bar. It was a bit like a party. Even though language-challenged, it soon became clear to me from the 'yo no soy chavista' sung by this 2nd group that the positioning around the table was no accident. At the tables themselves, though, only two of the tables were occupied by someone who wanted to sign, and there was no queue. One of military men there to protect the process indicated that it was a bit busier there yesterday but not much more so. As we left, the crowd of anti-chavists dissipated.
At our second location in Vargas, we saw people come to the tables with a narrow strip of paper filled out on one side. After they signed the forms, the opposition person taking signatures signed the other side of the paper. This was a frequent pattern--- except that older people coming to the tables did not bring a slip. (One might speculate that this latter group did not need to bring proof to their employers that they had signed). There were 5 tables. It was quiet, with one or two signing when we arrived, but shortly after, a truck unloaded a number of people. I begin to wonder at this point whether the presence of 50 international observers is attracting opposition displays. In general, the atmosphere was not antagonistic-- much like between opposition scrutineers in an election at home. Certainly, people on both sides seem to be happy to see us.
At our third location in Vargas, there is no one signing up at all--- although the crowd arrives soon after. A bit like a mariachi band following us. We pass another site on the road-- one person signing, and we don't stop. Our fourth stop has 5 places for signing up. 3 are occupied, with people getting white slips to prove they have signed. It is very quiet. I start to wonder--- how long before the singers arrive? In fact, we get away before they arrive. I feel a certain sense of loss. On the bus, a Haitian in the delegation notes that he has spoken with a member of Bandera Roja, the Marxist-Leninist group allied with the opposition. He notes that the explanation offered by the BR person is that they oppose Chavez because he is producing a war of class against class. So much for the Marxist-Leninists.
The 5th stop in Vargas is at Catia del Mar. I notice very careful work by the signature collector over whose shoulder I peer. She rejects wrong identification, makes people sign several times (crossing out errors). Very conscientious-- perhaps because of our presence. But, it does make me wonder why this is the first time I've seen crossed-out lines--- is this the only place that people are making errors? There are 4 tables here but not much activity. Our stay is short. No mariachi band here either. In fact, our stays are getting shorter. Is it because we're hungrier (or that the CNE organisers are)? It's 1:52 now and we've been going since 9 am.
After lunch, we go to centres in Caracas. Our first stop is in Sucre near St. Mary's University. This is definitely a different class of people here. People here are well-dressed and look at us very antagonistically. (Someone comments, who says you are international observers!) There's an orderly line-up of about 50 there, and I suspect fraud is unlikely here. A very short stay. We go from there to a closeby site near Metropolitan University. Also looks like a wealthy area, with very nice high-rises near these tables. Here we are told that they have no more papers, that their signature forms for the 4 days have been exhausted by 4:30 the 2nd day. They had received 368 papers (with 10 lines each). This is their message to the international observers--- the CNE has not given us enough! Is this possible? Has there been a miscalculation? The CNE gives out sheets equal to 66% of registered voters in each area (and does so at the rate of 25% per day--- although it is possible to request more in the early days if they are exhausted quickly). Is the problem that in a heavy opposition area more than 66% would come to sign against Chavez. Yes, possible-- the hatred is high here. In that case, the CNE rule is biased against heavily skewed areas. On the other hand, people can sign anywhere against Chavez! So, a shortage of papers can show up anywhere the opposition wants--- if it wants. Does this suggest what the opposition's strategy will be--- to claim on the last day that there are many people who could not sign? We note that those who come to this location to sign are being directed to other centres in the area.
At the next site in this area, one also characterised by high-rises (but not as nice on the outside), we find that they were given 340 sheets and have 140 left. (We are learning to focus on numbers and not on how well people sign their names.) I ask how many of the 200 were used the first day and how many used the 2nd day. I am told 95 the first day and 52 the 2nd (about the ratio of the two days that seems characteristic). Um, but that doesn't add up! What about the other sheets (53, for the numerically-challenged)? Oh, those are for the itinerant forms. Huh? Yes, those are the ones taken out on the street. Are these taken with representatives of the pro-government parties overseeing this? Yes, generally. Generally? What prevents fraud? (The basic justification for the itinerant sheets is the existence of the infirm at home and people in hospitals.) I have my translator find the representative of the government party there. Is this true that itinerant forms go out without any representative of the chavists? Yes, she answers--- she tries to go with as many as possible but can't always. But, she trusts them--- they've been so correct in everything else. At 6pm, a group of chavists on motorcycles arrives to check the forms before they are handed in. Too late, I think. This point about the itinerant sheets is critical as more and more reports have come in about people in hospitals pressured to sign.
Day 3 (Sunday) begins and we ride off to Miranda State (about 45 minutes). Nothing happening at the first site. A few people sitting around. Maybe it's too early (9:30) on a Sunday morning. No, we don't get out of the buses; we are told that they are closed. They finished their sheets. (Are more coming or did they use all 100%? Not clear.) We go to a 2nd location. There are 4 tables, all occupied, and a queue of 5 people. Here, the opposition people tell us that out of the 200 papers assigned for the 4 days they used 90 sheets the first day and 69 the second. The chavist representative present indicates that there were 850 signatures the first day and 545 the second. It's hard to understand the discrepancies for the 2nd day-- if there are no errors, 90 sheets would suggest a minimum of 891 signatures; and 69 sheets, a minimum of 681 signatures. (Maybe there were lots of errors on Saturday.) We learn, too, that 36 sheets have been set aside for itinerant (9 per day). Hmm. 36 sheets out of 200--- 18%; quite a few sick people here.
We go off to a 3rd centre. There are 5 tables, 3 are occupied, and there is no queue. We learn that 67 papers were used the first day (642 signatures) and 38 (358) the second; this is out of a total of 238 assigned for the 4 days.Here, we get to see the Sumate card in use. People are given the Sumate card (the one which says they have chose the peaceful route out of the crisis of Venezuela), their fingerprint is placed on the spot for stamping it and they are given a sticker ('YA firme') which they can put on the card. I see several younger people take the card and get it stamped. (I get my own card and YA firme sticker--- one for the scrapbook.) International observers are incensed by the use of these cards which are being demanded by employers, so we sign a denunciation for presentation to the CNE.
Our next centre (still in Miranda--- an opposition stronghold) is La Casona, an upscale pink-bricked shopping mall. Here they tell us immediately that their papers are finished. They had 200 for the 4 days. 150 went the first day and the rest the 2nd day by 4:00.(There's a bit of a discrepancy because they tell us they used 1319 the first day and the rest (681), the second; again, the numbers don't quite add up--- how do you get 681 signatures on 50 sheets of 10 lines each?) They say they are not entirely finished because they are waiting for 2 itinerants to return. They are complaining that the CNE made a mistake and didn't give them enough--- everyone here wants to sign and we only got 66%, we are told. Still, the fact that people can sign anywhere and that this is a shopping mall may explain why these are exhausted. Those who come here are being directed to other centres in the area (although the opposition coordinator says these other centres will soon be exhausted, too). Here as elsewhere in Miranda, it is very hard to find the chavist scrutineers--- they are vastly outnumbered. One itinerant returns while we are there, and there is a massive battle because the chavist who accompanied him has challenged 4 names. How many signed up on sheets of itinerants here? 350 (and that is before counting the sheets of the two itinerants who had been out). So, at least 17.5% of the total. Must be an epidemic.
Next centre in Miranda is Plaza Bolivar. Again, the key questions become numbers. The opposition says they are supposed to get 198 sheets but they were only given 150, that they had used these up (not counting what the itinerants were doing) Further, they won't get any more. When it is pointed out that 150 was 3/4 of their total and that they would be entitled to 50 more tomorrow, a furious argument breaks out between representatives, observers, etc. It's all happening very fast, and I look from face to face. I miss the subtitles. We leave shortly after it is established that they can get 50 more.
I decide to pass on the afternoon trip. The pattern is clear, and I am more interested in learning about the charges of fraud that are emerging from the government side (something you don't get on the bus or at the signature tables). In fact, I have concluded that this business of being an international observer is a bit like seeing through a glass darkly--- we see only appearances and not what is actually happening. How many people are signing several times at different places? How many forged identifications? How many sheets are being slipped in when no one is looking? We can have suspicions that something is not quite right, and we can identify specific abuses (as with the use of the Sumate cards and the problem of unregulated itinerants), but there is absolutely no way that it is possible for us to have any idea of the scope of problems at all. This is something to remember when you hear of representatives from the Carter Center or other observer bodies talk about how smoothly and properly this process is going. I return and turn on the TV and see a person from the Carter Center (from California) say exactly this--- it is all going very well.
Incredible stories of fraud now on TV. I'll pass these on in the next note. There have been confrontations and tables shut. The border with Colombia shut at places because of fraud at border areas.
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El manual de la tramposería electoral
de la CD y el G5
La operación Nicaragua en movimiento Por: Reinaldo Bolivar
Publicado el Domingo, 30/11/03 06:19pm |
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Gob. Alexis Navarro de
Nueva Esparta se vino a Caracas a denunciar multiplicación de firmas
en su estado
Por: J.U. /aporrea.org
Publicado el Domingo, 30/11/03 04:25pm |
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Director del Hospital El Llanito confirmó
denuncia de coacción a firmar
Por: Venpres
Publicado el Domingo, 30/11/03 04:23pm |
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Siguen recolectando firmas "de embuste-embuste"
en Miami
Por: Aporrea.org
Publicado el Domingo, 30/11/03 04:22pm |
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Dip. Juan Barreto. Hemos recibido mas de 5.000
denuncias de fraude en el Comando Ayacucho
Por: J.U. /aporrea.org
Publicado el Domingo, 30/11/03 04:19pm |
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Tascón y Barreto denunciarán irregularidades
del firmazo ante CNE y Fiscalía
Por: Venpres
Publicado el Domingo, 30/11/03 04:13pm |
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(Foto) Domingo desolador y "colas virtuales" en recolección de firmas opositoras Por: Radio Nacional de Venezuela
Publicado el Domingo, 30/11/03 02:36pm |
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| Se han visto colas vacías
en Montalbán y en toda la ciudad Foto: VTV |
En el centro de Caracas, varios centros de recolección que abrieron el viernes y el sábado pero contaban con escasa asistencia, hoy domingo estaban cerrados. Otros puntos, como los de Cotiza y el del Banco de Sangre, estaban desiertos. Tal vez la cola con mayor afluencia ha sido la de la estación de Pérez Bonalde, mostrada por Globovisión, que contaba con una modesta cola de 4 personas.
En la urbanización Juan Pablo II, en Montalbán, el periodista Ricardo Durán notó que varias personas que ya habían firmado estaban habiendo una especie de "cola virtual" ante las cámaras del canal ocho. Si bien al principio fingían hacer una modesta cola de 6 personas, Durán les preguntó por qué no pasaban a la mesa a firmar tras lo cual todos indicaron que ya habían firmado y que estaban en el lugar descansando. Se molestaron cuando fueron descubiertos, tras lo cual una vecina los delató.
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Soledad total en las mesas de recolección
de firmas en San Antonio de los Altos
Por: Miguel Angel Hernández Arvelo (OIR)
Publicado el Domingo, 30/11/03 02:08pm |
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Caracas, 30 Nov. Venpres
(Wendy Beltrán).- "Nosotros tenemos que estar atentos y
alertar a la población, incluyendo a la oposición, a
que no deben dañar una institución tan honesta como la
Fuerza Armada Nacional, simplemente porque no pueden alcanzar
sus objetivos políticos. Ellos debieran cambiar de táctica
y respetar a la institución armada", expresó el
titular del Frente Cívico Militar Bolivariano, teniente
coronel Héctor Herrera Jiménez.
Según lo
denunció a través de Venpres Herrera Jiménez,
representantes de la Coordinadora Democrática pretenden
culpar a los soldados del Plan República por la poca
afluencia de personas que han acudido a estampar su firma contra
el presidente Hugo Chávez Frías y diputados que
respaldan el proceso de cambio.
Herrera Jiménez explicó
que miembros de la oposición, "como están viendo
que no han logrado sus objetivos, van a culpar a la Fuerza Armada
Nacional de las irregularidades presentadas en estas jornadas. Ellos
quieren desprestigiar a la FAN, además, nosotros hicimos
un análisis de prensa de las declaraciones que ellos
han hecho y se observa que ese es el espíritu, propósito
y razón de esta gente, maltratar a la FAN".
A juicio del líder
cívico-militar, los factores que adversan al Primer Mandatario
Nacional, en su desesperación por no ver alcanzadas las
metas planteadas, están tratando de buscar culpables, pues
"no les importa llevarse a quien sea por el medio e inclusive hundir
al país con tal de lograr sus objetivos o salvaguardar
sus propios intereses".
Al hacer un análisis
de los incidentes entre efectivos militares y seguidores de
la oposición, el máximo representante del Frente
Cívico Militar Bolivariano recordó, por ejemplo,
que en Maracaibo, estado Zulia, los simpatizantes de oposición
"maltrataron, ofendieron y golpearon a la autoridad, que solamente
intentaba poner orden en la situación que se estaba presentando.
Posteriormente, salen denunciando que el Plan República
se excede, que los militares estaban manipulando".
Asimismo, -prosiguió-
en el estado Bolívar, el dirigente sindical Víctor
Moreno "ofendió y maltrató en la vía pública
al comandante general del Comando Regional Número Ocho
(Core 8), destacado en Puerto Ordaz, de apellidos Betancourt
Nieves, a quien acusó de facilitar las cosas al oficialismo
y por el uso de carros militares para desplazar firmantes en
las jornadas pasadas", etc.
De igual manera,
recordó cuando este sábado, el diputado por Acción
Democrática, Henry Ramos Allup, "ofendió y maltrató
a los militares que están en el Consejo Nacional Electoral
(CNE).
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Informe de la Disip:"El teléfono celular
delató a los militares terroristas"
Por: Antonio José Medina, Panorama
Publicado el Domingo, 30/11/03 08:12am |
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| Sunday, Nov 30, 2003 |
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Print format |
By: Venezuelanalysis.com
Venezuela's Vice-President Jose Vicente Rangel announced yesterday that a selective and temporary closing of the border with Colombia has been ordered in order to prevent anti-Chavez recall referendum petitions from being signed illegally by non Venezuelans with fake ID cards. In order to sign the petitions, a person must show their ID card. Venezuela has a national ID program, and a unique number is assigned to each citizen, similar to the Social Security numbers used in the United States.
Pro-Chavez observers have reported that people with Colombian accents have been signing petitions in bordering states.
Late last Friday, an ID card cloning operation was detected at the Miguel Antonio Caro elementary school in western Caracas. Military and police personnel were called to the scene, the equipment used was confiscated, and a formal complaint was made to the CNE.
Representatives of political parties that support President Chavez, claim the the opposition has resorted to fraud because the petition drive hasn't been successful.
Patients forced to sign
Patients at the Domingo Luciani Hospital, reported being asked to sign the petitions against President Chavez. Only centers approved by the National Electoral Council can collect signatures. Absentee petitions can be used by authorized personnel but only when in company of at least one observer.
"A woman came here claiming to be from the CNE, and asked me to sign the petition against the President, I refused to sign but many others did. She told us that we must sign in order to receive medical attention," said a man on TV from his hospital bed. Numerous patients at the hospital filed complains with representatives of the Public Ombudsman office at the scene.
Several other complains have been made, including observers asked to approve petitions forms that were filled outside the collections centers without the presence of an observer. TV footage showed pro-Chavez observers holding illegally filled petitions recovered from opposition organizers who fled the scene when the cameras showed up.
Illegal computers still used
Illegal computer equipment continues being used by opposition organizers at signature collection centers. The computers have been provided by SUMATE, a private company that provides technical assistance to opposition activities. The CNE has banned the use of any electronic equipment that could be used at the tables to verify or register signers’ data. Pro-Chavez employees who have been forced by their employers to sign the petitions, are being asked to use incorrect ID card numbers or names in order to invalidate their signatures. Through the use of the computers, opposition organizers can detect fake names being used, and ask the signer to use a valid name.
"Normality"
At around noon, opposition leaders tried to break the security at the CNE, in order to give a press conference from within the CNE official press room. National Guardsmen prevented them from entering, as pro-Chavez demonstrators outside shouted "Coup-plotters! Cheaters!". Shortly afterwards, a high-intensity fire cracker was exploded outside the CNE. Later, the opposition leaders were allowed to enter. Shortly afterwards, OAS Secretary General Cesar Gaviria, who is in the country as an observer, gave a press conference to report about his impressions on the signature collection process. Gaviria said that "there is normality" in the process" in spite reports of irregularities "which will be investigated".
The OAS Secretary General praised the Plan Republica, were military personnel is used to guard the petitions and collections centers around the country. Opposition leaders have complained of delays by military personnel in bringing the petitions to open the collection centers in the morning.
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FAN incauta computadoras y propagandas políticas
en el Zulia
Por: Venpres
Publicado el Domingo, 30/11/03 12:46am |
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Comando Ayacucho denuncia presión de
Fedecamaras a sus trabajadores
Por: Venpres
Publicado el Domingo, 30/11/03 12:34am |
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El dilema de la CIA
Por: La Corteza
Publicado el Sábado, 29/11/03 11:30am |
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Señores Golpistas: Sus días
están contados
Por: Mario Silva García
Publicado el Sábado, 29/11/03 03:32pm |
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aporrea.org
yahoo.com
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Ismael García denunció plan desestabilizador de la PM y Alfredo Peña Por: Venpres
Publicado el Sábado, 29/11/03 03:15pm |
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Hay más denuncias que firmas
Luis Tascón denuncia desde la Vicepresidencia un "Megafraudazo" Por: Aporrea.org
Publicado el Sábado, 29/11/03 03:31pm |
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Reporte. En Mérida Centros de recolección
vacíos
Por: Jehyson Guzmán
Publicado el Sábado, 29/11/03 03:57pm |
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Detonaron dos granadas y una caja sonora esta
madrugada en Falcón
Por: Angel Bastidas
Publicado el Sábado, 29/11/03 09:39am |
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Diputado Luis Tascón califica de debacle
para opositores el Reafirmazo
Por: Venpres
Publicado el Sábado, 29/11/03 12:47am |
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(Fotos) Reporte gráfico del "refracaso"
en Caracas
Por: Yosi Guaiteo / JP
Publicado el Viernes, 28/11/03 11:27pm |
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| Santa Mónica le pide
a otros santos que venga gente Foto: JP |
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| Cumbres de Curumo: Ni de lejos
ni de cerca se les ve el bojote Foto: JP |
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| Los Chaguaramos lloran de
aburrimiento Foto: JP |
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| Plaza Los Simbolos: Se ve
borroso pero se está clarito que no hay firmantes Foto: JP |
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| En valle abajo San Pedro pide
también a otros santos que venga gente Foto: JP |
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| Polibaruta ¿Escondiitos? Foto: JP |
| Friday, Nov 28, 2003 |
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Print format |
By: Venezuelanalysis.com
Government supporters say that the opposition is threatening and bribing people to sign the petition for recall referenda against President Chavez and legislators who support his government. In a press conference late this evening, Ismael Garcia read a long list of accusations coming from election observers around the country, from people who have been threatened with being fired if they did not sign the petition and in some cases bribed to do so. The accusations say that citizens are being asked by their employers to present proof that they have signed.
A key element in the accusations are little business card sized cards which are being distributed to citizens. On one side of the card people are supposed to write down their personal data, such as identification number, full name, and birth date, just as it is found in the electoral registry. The card provides a toll-free telephone number, so that citizens can look up exactly how their data is stored in the registry, in case there is any doubt as to how they this data is registered. On the back side of the card spaces are provided for entering the serial number of the petition form, the person’s signature, and one’s thumbprint. This is same information that must also be entered in the petition forms.
During Thursday’s press conference, President Chavez already said that these cards represent a very similar tactic that used to be employed by previous governments to win elections in Venezuela.
Labor Minister Maria Cristina Iglesias said that the cards represent a danger to workers’ rights and that if any employers use them to force their employees to sign, those employers should sign and invalidate their signature by either signing more than once or by entering a false identification number. The National Electoral Council (CNE) president, Francisco Carrasquero said that the charges surrounding the cards are being investigated. However, telling people to falsely sign is not an acceptable solution.
Sumate, the organization which is distributing the cards, was the main organization which organized the February 2nd petition drive, in favor of a recall referendum against President Chavez. The CNE invalidated that petition in August because the signatures were collected well before the citizen right to holding a referendum became effective. That is, the right to a recall referendum becomes a reality only once the elected official’s term in office has reached its half-way point.
Since then, Sumate has taken a much lower profile, especially since its status as a non-profit organization has been questioned and because of questions about how it was being financed. Sumate’s current campaign to inform citizens of their electoral registration information and of the procedures for participating in the recall referendum process is being funded by grants from the United States, via the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) and the US Agency for International Development (USAID), according to Sumate’s director, Corina Machado.
Sumate says that the cards’ purpose is to provide citizens with accurate information about their registration so that their signatures are valid and to guard against fraud by allowing signers to find their signatures easily, via the petition form’s serial number, should there be any question about whether the person had signed.
Another controversy involving Sumate is its effort to place computers at all signature collection locations, with which citizens can verify their registration date before singing. The CNE, however, issued a declaration, saying that the computers are not permitted, primarily because Sumate was using an old electoral registry to verify the data and that over 400,000 new voters had been registered who are not in Sumate’s directory. Opposition legislators argued that the computers should not be allowed because they suspect that Sumate would try to enter people who are not registered and transfer their data into the official registry.
See also:
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Diputado Darío Vivas rechaza presencia
de Sumate en Reafirmazo opositor
Por: Venpres
Publicado el Viernes, 28/11/03 07:22pm |
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Diputado Tascón hace nuevas denuncias
de fraude y pide responsabilidad a dirigentes políticos de la
oposición
Por: Prensa Vicepresidencia
Publicado el Viernes, 28/11/03 02:37pm |
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Por: Venpres
Publicado el Viernes, 28/11/03 10:46am |
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| Friday, Nov 28, 2003 |
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Print format |
By: Venezuelanalysis.com
“We do not have any evidence, at this moment, … that any country in the world is interfering in Venezuelan internal affairs,” said President Chavez yesterday, in one of his first joint press conferences in many years with both the national and international media. He went on to say that “our relations with the U.S. have gone through a notable and surprising positive improvement.”
Chavez was responding to whether he believed that the U.S. government was trying to destabilize the Venezuelan government. According to Chavez, the U.S. had decided to suspend “microphone diplomacy,” speculating that the reason might be because the U.S. had realized that it was being fooled by Venezuela’s opposition into believing all kinds of lies. In the end, Chavez said, the Washington realized that what Venezuela’s opposition was doing was to trick the Bush administration into pursuing the interests of the opposition, but not of the U.S. or of Venezuela as a whole.
Chavez made these comments in the course of one of his typical 3.5 hour news conferences, in which merely eight questions were asked. The comments appeared to contradict statements issued by pro-Chavez legislators Nicolas Maduro and Juan Barreto, who had a few weeks ago presented a video recording that they said showed CIA officers training Venezuelans in surveillance.
A government official, who asked not to be identified, informed Venezuelanalysis.com that a tacit agreement had been reached between the governments of the U.S. and of Venezuela that accusations against Venezuela’s policies would cease if Venezuelan officials stopped going public with information about supposed CIA involvement in Venezuelan affairs.
http://www.venezuelanalysis.com/news.php?newsno=1114|
Nuevo plan desestabilizador para este fin de
semana denuncia Presidente Chávez
Por: MINCI
Publicado el Viernes, 28/11/03 01:29am |
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Rueda de prensa de este miércoles
Investigaciones de la Disip y el Cicpc demuestra que militares de Altamira están detrás de atentados terroristas Por: Radio Nacional de Venezuela / Aporrea.org
Publicado el Viernes, 28/11/03 01:18am |
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Revise esta
noticia en el sitio web de RNV, donde podrá escuchar el audio
de la rueda de prensa completa.
El pasado miércoles 26 de noviembre de 2003, el ministro
del Interior y Justicia, Lucas Rincón, en compañía
del director del Cuerpo de Investigaciones Científicas , Penales
y Criminalísticas (Cicpc) Marcos Chávez y del comisario
Miguel Rodríguez Torres, quien dirige la Dirección de los
Servicios de Inteligencia y Prevención (Disip), dieron una rueda
de prensa en la cual expusieron las distintas evidencias según las
cuales llegaron a la conclusión de que varios militares que se
rebelaron en la Plaza Altamira en noviembre del año pasado estarían
involucrados en muchos de los casos de ataques de carácter terrorista
realizados en 2002 y 2003, como las explosiones en las embajadas de Colombia
y España, la granada que explotó en la Av. México en
una marcha chavista, el asesinato de tres soldados y una joven de la plaza
Altamira y el intento de derribar una torre de electricidad en Anaco durante
el paro.
El caso de Joao de Gouveia
La rueda de prensa comenzó recordando
el caso de la denominada “masacre de Altamira” ocurrida el 6 de diciembre
de 2002, cuando Joao de Gouveia accionó sus armas contra un grupo
de personas en la plaza Francia, asesinando a 3 y dejando a 21 heridas. Recordemos
que dicho caso está cerrado porque Gouveia confesó su
participación, pero según Rodríguez, este no fue
ningún hecho aislado.
“Hubo alguien que indujo y financió el hecho”, indicó
Rodríguez, y dio una serie de argumentos que lo llevaron a pensar
así:
En la plaza Altamira se organizó un grupo de seguridad de
la plaza con 150 hombres armados, divididos en tres grupos de cincuenta.
Cuesta entender como un grupo de 50 hombres armados, más la policía
de Chacao, más la policía de Miranda, más la policía
Metropolitana (en total 150 hombres armados en la plaza), permiten que
un hombre haga por lo menos veinte disparos contra la plaza y nadie repela
el ataque. “Esto me causa suspicacia, me hace pensar que había
una garantía de que no lo iban a matar, porque sino él no
se tiraría una aventura así.”
Se ve en los vídeos a los militares a los generales González
González, al coronel Rodríguez Salas y a otros militares,
quienes caminaban en medio de la gente muy tranquilos, mientras todos
los demás estaban en el piso protegiéndose. “En los vídeos
se les ve portando armas, se ven una gran cantidad de armas”, cuando ellos
habían dicho que no había ni un arma en la plaza Altamira.Explosión de la granada en la Av. México el 23 de Enero durante una marcha de partidarios de Chávez
El 23 de enero de 2003, una granada de mano del tipo M-26 explotó
en un basurero matando a una persona e hiriendo a varias más.
Se culpa del mismo a dos delincuentes, “Michael” y “Koyac”, relacionados
con un coronel del grupo de la Plaza Altamira, de apellido Piliery, y
con el general Felipe Rodríguez, apodado “El Cuervo”. Rafael Villanueva
Machado era un contacto entre ellos y Rubén Gámez, quien
habría suministrado las mismas.
Villanueva Machado habría declarado ante el Tribunal 11
de Control todo lo que él conocía sobre las granadas, lo
cual permitió que el Cicpc llegara hasta los presuntos autores.
“Koyac” habría fallecido en un atraco en un blindado en la cota
mil, y Michael estaría siendo solicitado. El coronel Piliery fue
apresado por haber violado las medidas cautelares, luego fue liberado
y hoy se encuentra solicitado por homicidio calificado.
La granada fue preparada con un dispositivo llamado “lapicero químico”,
que haría que la granada explote en un momento determinado. Iba
a ser colocada en la ruta donde pasara el Presidente, pero los individuos
finalmente tuvieron miedo de meterse entre la multitud en la Av. Bolívar
para colocarla y prefirieron dejarla en un pote de basura, causando el
daño antes señalado.
Según Villanueva Machado, estas mismas personas arrojaron
las granadas en algunas emisoras de televisión, en las embajadas,
en la CTV y en Fedecámaras para causar desestabilización
y desórdenes públicos que llamaran a la Fuerza Armada
a participar y resolver el problema político.
En una reunión previa en el Hotel Four Seasons, realizada
antes de la firma del pacto entre los militares de Altamira y la Coordinadora
Democrática, sectores de la esta organización se reunieron
con el general Felipe Rodríguez, con el coronel Piliery Carmona
y el general González González, y llegaron a la conclusión
de que era necesario general acciones de tipo violente, desestabilización
y caos porque por la vía democrática era imposible sacar
al presidente Chávez. En dicha reunión estuvieron algunos
miembros de la Coordinadora Democrática que estuvieron en la mesa
de diálogo de la OEA, el PNUD y el Centro Carter, quienes aprobaron
la acción.
Asesinato de tres soldados y una joven de la Plaza Altamira
El 18 de febrero de 2003 fueron encontrados en
Parque Caiza (autopista Caracas-Guarenas) y en Cupo, Estado Miranda,
los cuerpos sin vida de tres soldados y una joven, que habían sido
torturados y golpeados antes de ser ultimados. Otra muchacha de catorce
años estaba apenas viva, pero terriblemente golpeada y herida de
forma tal que los criminales la habían dado por fallecida. Los 
militares (soldado del Ejército Darwin Enrique Arguello
Iztúriz, infante de Marina Ángel José Salas Lozano
y el soldado de la Fuerza Aérea Félix Antonio Pinto Heras)
formaban parte de los disidentes de la Plaza Altamira, y tanto Zaida Gabriela
Pereira (la joven fallecida) como Katherine Roxana Rivera eran novias de
dos de estos soldados.
El testimonio de Rivera fue vital para la resolución del
caso; ella reconoció al ex policía metropolitano Tairo Aristigueta
como uno de los participantes. El horrendo crimen fue descrito por uno
de los participantes, el cabo de la Armada Pedro Sifontes Núñez,
y se acusa al coronel Piliery de ser el autor intelectual del crimen. Un
escolta de Piliery también relató algunos de los hechos.
Zayda Perozo, Roxana y los tres muchachos se encontraban en una
especie de salón o apartamento en Bello Campo donde ellos convivían.
El mismo teniente Varela les pide abandonar la plaza Altamira pues escuchó
que iban a matarlos, pues Felipe Rodríguez presumía que
ellos eran informantes de grupos de seguridad y de grupos bolivarianos.
Rodríguez, según los testigos e implicados, le da
la orden a Piliery de eliminar a los tres soldados; Piliery agrega que
hay que eliminar a las dos muchachas también pues ellas sabían
todo lo que ellos sabían. “Hay que eliminarlos a los cinco”.
El grupo de asesinos está formado por Tairo Aristigueta,
el teniente Colina y el teniente Varela, el cabo Pedro Sifontes (detenido),
Luis Gregorio Chacín Sanguines alias “el Armadillo”, Raúl
Antonio “Fao”, Hugo Johny Ordóñez Dorado alias“HJ” y Gregory
Rafael Umanés Castillo, “El Zorro”, quien se encuentra detenido
en El Rodeo.
Rodríguez se pregunta por qué el Sr. Tairo Aristigueta
está en libertad, si él –conocido en los años noventa
como “el hombre de la Etiqueta”- tiene expedientes por homicidios y violaciones,
fue señalado de ayudar al “monstruo de Mamera” Ledezma en el homicidio
de tres jóvenes, y se encontraba en libertad posiblemente por
influencias de su hermano “Nené” Aristigueta, Jefe de Seguridad
de Acción Democrática. “No quisiera pensar que, por razones
políticas, el hombre siempre logró evadir la justicia.
Actualmente está preso en El Rodeo.”
Respecto a “HJ”, fue la persona que saca a los muchachos de Bello
Campo y se los lleva a Parque Caiza, en Guarenas. Rodríguez señala
que una persona escuchó a su abogado, Dr. Medina Roa, decir que
“a HJ no lo van a conseguir nunca, ni al Gral. Felipe Rodríguez
ni al teniente Colina, lo cual nos hace pensar que, más que abogado,
pareciera cómplice de los hechos. Se apersonó el martes
en el tribunal 11 de Control vociferando insultos contra el director
del cuerpo de investigaciones, contra mi persona, me imagino que porque
se siente relacionado con los hechos.”
En estos momentos hay cuatro personas capturadas, y varias otras
siendo solicitadas.
Empresario y militares disidentes implicados en terrorismo
contra España y Colombia
En cuanto al caso de las bombas en las sedes diplomáticas de España y de Colombia, que se produjo en febrero pasado, el director de la DISIP declaró que "este es el caso más difícil de investigar." La manera en que pudieron avanzar las investigaciones inicialmente fue a través de análisis de las conexiones telefónicas hechas cerca del momento en que se produjeron las detonaciones.
Según análisis, las llamadas realizadas en esos momentos comprometen al Coronel golpista Giuseppe Piglieri y un Luis Chacín a quien llaman "El Armadillo", quienes llamaron momentos antes, durante y después de las detonaciones, lo que los convirtió en sospechosos. Igualmente, la celda celular desde donde "El Armadillo" hizo la conexión telefónica es la misma que presta servicio a la zona donde se produjeron las explosiones.
Con la captura de Pedro Sifontes, implicado en la masacre de militares de Plaza Francia, ocurrida en el Parque Caixa, se producen testimonios que implican a otras personas. En base a eso se pudo determinar que Chacín estuvo también involucrado. Sifontes obtuvo algunos beneficios por parte del juez por su testimonio. Luego se produjo la captura de Mérida Ortiz, quien según Rodríguez puede que haya sido utilizado por los autores intelectuales.
Los explosivos llegan a la Plaza Altamira en una motocicleta azul, modelo XT, similar a las usadas por la Policía Metropolitana, conducida por Ernesto Lovera, quien es el escolta personal de Gianni Giannelli, presidente de la empresa fabricante de baterías Duncan. Lovera lleva las bombas a la Plaza y el dinero para pagar la operación. La bomba es recogida por "El Armadillo", quien está ahora preso en la cárcel de El Rodeo, a quien le dan la motocicleta para transportarla. Según en testimonio de Mérida Ortiz, quien en ese momento manejaba el equipo de sonido de la Plaza Altamira, el General disidente Felipe Rodríguez le dice que se suba a la motocicleta y acompañe a "El Armadillo". Mérida Ortiz, luego describe como se colocó la bomba, como se detonó la bomba vía telefónica por parte de los tenientes José Antonio Colina y Germán Varela.
Según el director de la DISIP, las investigaciones determinaron cuando y donde se compraron los teléfonos celulares que fueron usados exclusivamente en los atentados. Las tarjetas telefónicas usadas en los teléfonos celulares fueron compradas en el mismo sitio, pocos días antes de los atentados terroristas.
Ante todas las evidencias, el pasado 18 de Noviembre, la jueza 11° de Control, Deyanira Nieves, dictó medida privativa de libertad contra el general Felipe Rodríguez (El Cuervo), el coronel Giuseppe Pilieri, los tenientes Germán Varela y José Antonio Colina y el empresario dueño de la fábrica de baterías Duncan, Gianni Giannelli.
Según el director de la DISIP, existen muchos detalles en las declaraciones que no pueden ser presentadas al público. La investigación ha concluido y sólo esperan capturar a los indiciados quienes continúan prófugos desde hace dos semanas.
Trataron de derribar torres de electricidad en Anaco
Rodríguez Torres también informó
de la explosión de unas torres eléctricas que transportan
electricidad hacia la ciudad de Anaco. “A las torres se le colocaron
dos carlas de explosivo C4. Una sola estalló pero no logró
derribarla.
¿Cuál era la intención? Pues había
que parar de alguna forma la CVG durante el paro. Elementos de Bandera
Roja se reunieron con el general González González y con
dos capitanes asilados en estos momentos en República Dominicana.
Determinaron que había que derrumbar dos torres eléctricas
para detener las plantas de gas en Anaco, lo cual paraba automáticamente
ala CVG y causaba una crisis de gas a nivel nacional.
“Estamos finalizando las investigaciones para inculpar a González
González por estos hechos.”
Ataques a Guardia de Honor
“Según una fuente en la Plaza Altamira,
fue el teniente Colina quien lanzó la bomba contra Conatel”,
informó Rodríguez. “En el caso de Miraflores, el Cicpc
tiene muy adelantada la información, y esperamos que en las próximas
horas se dé una información muy completa, que va a sorprender
a muchos.”
Marcos Chávez confirma declaraciones
Por su parte, el director del Cicpc, Marcos Chávez,
ratificó que los argumentos publicados por Rodríguez están
basados en pruebas y experticias realizadas en los lugares de los hechos.
“Hasta la actualidad tenemos 37 casos de naturaleza terrorista;
el primero ocurrió el 9 de julio de 2002, y fue un artefacto explosivo
colocado en un canal de televisión.” Habló del caso del
carro bomba que explotó cerca de la gobernación del Estado
Miranda en Los Teques, el caso de la explosión en el edificio Isabella
en Chacao, las explosiones en las embajadas de Colombia y España,
hemos determinado que se trata de un mismo grupo de personas. Ratificó
que “los panfletos hallados en las embajadas, en el edificio y en Los
Teques fueron elaborados por un mismo equipo informático y se utilizaron
los mismos elementos químicos, como la tinta y los caracteres.”
Posible deportación de Carmona
El ministro Lucas Rincón dijo que no descartan
que desde el exterior se estuviesen financiando estos grupos terroristas.
Anunció que se tomarán medidas contundentes para erradicarlos,
“ya existen varios detenidos y otros solicitados que andan por ahí
libres con orden de captura por parte de los tribunales”, y que son
responsables de los actos terroristas perpetrados a finales de 2002
y principios de 2003 contra las embajadas de Argelia y España
y el consulado de Colombia y otras instalaciones.
“Unos señores por ahí que están desquiciados,
que están llegando al borde de la demencia, ahora pues están
jugando con este tipo de acciones”. Afortunadamente son pocos, muy pocos
y cada vez quedan menos'', agregó.
Dentro de estas medidas, podría solicitarse la revisión
de la situación de asilo y la posterior deportación del
empresario Pedro Carmona Estanga, “uno de los cabecillas de la revuelta”,
quien se encuentra en Colombia. Dijo que de obtenerse el soporte legal correspondiente,
no dudarían en solicitar su traslado del vecino país, para
que sea juzgado por los tribunales venezolanos.
Con relación al caso de Rhona Ottolina y su presunta participación
en el atentado registrado en el regimiento de la Guardia de Honor en
el Palacio de Miraflores, explicó que la averiguación ya
está bastante adelantada. La Disip determinó que los panfletos
usados en algunos de las detonaciones fueron elaborados en la tipografía
“Chacao”, allanada recientemente, según los análisis hechos
a tinta, papel y equipos de impresión.
Por otro lado Rincón aseguró que el gobierno hará
todo cuanto esté a su alcance para que se haga justicia en torno
al fallido golpe del pasado 11 de abril de 2002 y demás actos
terroristas que le han ocasionado un grave daño al patrimonio
nacional.
A la rueda de prensa asistieron en calidad de invitados, los embajadores
de España y Argelia y el Consejero General de Colombia.
