VENEZUELA
NEWS BULLETIN
No. 1050


By KATHERINE LAHEY.
*** Scalar Electromagnetic
Weapons and their Terrorist Use:
Immediate Strategic
Aspects of the Asymmetric War on the U.S.
T. E. Bearden
Oct. 13, 2004.

By Franz J. T. Lee
By KATHERINE LAHEY
The US government and Presidential candidate John Kerry have announced that President of the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela, Hugo Chavez, is a threat to the United States. What is most ironic is that while using a different framework through which to analyze this statement, this is true. The vision of Hugo Chavez and the strong community organizing of the Venezuelan people little by little destroys the corrupt, imperialist, and repressive vision and practice of the US government and its capacity to intervene in the affairs of the people, minimizing their efforts to control the beloved nation called Venezuela. In fact, it transforms their framework while resisting it- that is why recently Colin Powell announced after the referendum that the US, while in "disagreement" over policies and ideology, will find ways in which to cooperate with the Venezuelan government. The work of the people makes it even more impossible for the US government to execute its plan to rule by a foreign hand, buying officials within while foreign banks come to partake in the fruits of the capitalist machine of globalization that has destroyed so many lives and so many countries. However, they continue to sing the cry of threat and danger, their fingers pointed toward Hugo Chavez, the leader of the resistance against neoliberalism and imperialism.
The importance of Venezuela as a political theme has increased as the long awaited elections near in November in the United States. Of course, both candidates George Bush and John Kerry are so similar that really there is no difference; they are figures representing the same interests of domination. The differences over which they continue to squabble are miniscule, yet magnified in an effort by the private media to create more drama and to maintain the power of the two-party system. They fundamentally agree in many areas, but one in which they both agree particularly strongly: the threat of Hugo Chavez and the Venezuelan people. Of course strategically, Venezuela means one thing to them- oil. They don't see a people, a beautiful land rich with history and culture and principled politics from which they could most certainly learn- they see dollars and an opportunity, under the right conditions, to snag the resources that belong to another people. But there's just one problem- the determination and struggle of a people and a revolution that has already firmly planted its roots, with a leader that will never ever sell his people nor his country nor their sovereignty as a people. What's more, is that the beautiful and fierce example of the Bolivarian Revolution doesn't just remain closed within the borders of Venezuela. Each day it grows and extends itself throughout Latin America, in Ecuador, in Bolivia, in Brazil, in Argentina, blossoming and creating a more united people and a consciousness of the power possible in the roots of community over empire. This is the threat which they actually describe, the threat against them themselves and their project to conquer the world.
Of course, what they mean to say is that Chavez is a terrorist threat, that he ideologically supports terrorists through his anti-imperialist resistance, which means danger for the US homeland in the light of the September 11th attacks. But in reality, it is that little by little, this resistance, in combination with the empowerment of the Venezuelan people, damages their own terrorist campaign and domination, and that they fear that this process will empower and inspire other oppressed people to rise up, to organize, to reclaim their humanity and their society. Because no longer does it work to pour billions of dollars into opposition groups in hopes of generating another coup, as they did through the NED, the National Endowment for Democracy, a right-wing group that in the name of democracy funds opposition groups that promote US imperialist interests in other countries throughout the world. This was one of the great lessons of the August 15th referendum, that the power already belongs to the people and it is impossible to take that away. That no longer can billions of imported dollars save your oligarchy. The people have sung their message. They have said, "No Volverán!", that they won't go back. And this is the threat.
Katherine
Lahey is a student at the
University of California. She is spending six months in Venezuela
studying the revolutionary process. She can be reached at: lunazul_77@hotmail.com
http://www.counterpunch.org/lahey10152004.html
Weekend Edition Features for September 18 / 19, 2004

|
Tres
comentarios breves: La estatua de Colón - El incendio de la
torre - La renuncia de un soberbio
Por:
Roberto Jiménez Maggiolo
Publicado el Martes, 19/10/04 11:12am |
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| Monday, Oct 18, 2004 | Print format | |
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By: Jonah Gindin – Venezuelanalysis.com
Caracas, October 18, 2004—Last Friday, the mayor of Greater Caracas, Alfredo Peña, declared he would not run for reelection in the upcoming October 31 regional vote. Peña was elected mayor in 2000 on a Chavista platform, only to switch allegiances shortly after taking office. Peña’s stepping aside means that only one opposition candidate and one pro-Chavez candidate will face each other for the important mayor’s post.
Since the opposition’s defeat in last August’s referendum, both pro- and anti-Chávez candidates have been pushing for a united front. In many races there are several candidates on each side, threatening to split each side's vote.
On October 31st Venezuela will elect Governors, Mayors, and local councilors for all 24 states, 336 municipalities. Grassroots activists on both sides have called for primaries to decide the candidates, but both Chavistas and opposition have so far opted for party-to-party negotiations. With Chávez’ resounding victory in the referendum still fresh, Chavistas hope to capitalize on their momentum in the regionals.
Before renouncing his candidacy, Peña was involved in a heated battle with Acción Democratica (AD) candidate Claudio Fermin. Fermin repeatedly called on Peña to submit to a primary election, but Peña preempted such an action by stepping down. Fermin and Peña were the main challengers to Chavista candidate Juan Barreto. With Peña out of the race, Chavista hopes that Barreto would cruise to an easy victory are gone with him.
Peña has been a thorn in the side of Chavez supporters because his control over the Caracas police force has led to many violent clashes between pro-Chavez demonstrators and the police. Chavistas have accused the police of being responsible for over 40 deaths of Chavez-supporters during the April 2002 coup attempt.
The opposition has been handicapped by divisions with respect to post-referendum strategy. Late last month the opposition umbrella-group the Democratic Coordinator (CD) imploded as smaller parties rejected the CD’s decision to participate in the regional elections. Five parties subsequently left the fractious coalition, calling on the populace to engage in “active abstention”; however they are largely viewed as small parties with relatively little popular-support. The two traditional parties: the social-democratic AD, the social-Christian Copei, and the most influential of the new opposition groups: Primero Justicia (Justice First) will participate. Yet, much like before the recall referendum last August, all three parties are claiming fraud in advance.
Peña accused the National Electoral Council (CNE) of preparing a ‘new’ fraud in a statement explaining his reasons for canceling his candidacy. “They are currently preparing a fraud and they want us to validate it. They want us to participate in order to baptize their prepared fraud…But, we will not participate in this farce,” declared Peña.
Primero Justicia mayoral candidate for the Municipality of Libertador Liliana Hernandez also renounced her candidacy today. Hernandez leaves opposition candidate Carlos Melo as the main challenger to incumbent Chavista Freddy Bernal.
The October 31 regional vote could easily become controversial because the Organization of American States joined the Carter Center in declining the electoral council’s invitation to observe the vote. Both have said that the vote was too short notice for them to organize observer missions that could do a comprehensive job. Also, the Carter Center said that it believed its effectiveness at enhancing confidence in the vote is diminished in Venezuela because large parts of the opposition still refuse to accept the recall referendum results that the Carter Center had endorsed.
| Monday, Oct 18, 2004 | Print format | |
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By: Jonah Gindin – Venezuelanalysis.com
When Venezuelan President Hugo Chávez was elected in 1998, inaugurating a process of radical political and social changes, it looked as though labor might be left behind. The main labor central, the Confederation of Venezuelan Workers (CTV) was one of his most avid critics, and Chávez in turn lashed out verbally against the CTV on a regular basis. But the image of Chávez vs Labor, repeatedly thrown at the unsuspecting casual observer by the mainstream media, is precisely intended to mislead. The unpleasant truth is that the CTV has not adequately represented Venezuelan workers since the 1970s, if not before. The reality of Chávez vs the CTV, then, does not exclude the active and enthusiastic participation of a large proportion of Venezuelan workers in his Bolívarian revolution (named after Latin American Independence leader Simón Bolívar).
In an era of accelerated globalization all over the world, fed by the trail-blazing violence of American empire, Chávez’ loud rejection of the neoliberal model is particularly resonant. And this rejection has proven to be more than mere rhetoric. In direct contradiction to the neoliberal play-book, Venezuela has begun experimenting with an alternative model of development based on an unapologetic prioritization of social welfare.
Fundamentally this process is about democracy, but not the way we in the North are used to thinking about it—in Venezuela the term has incorporated social and economic dimensions, as well as political. Popular participation means local planning councils that debate community budgets, but it also means a shift from production for the world market, to production for the Venezuelan people. Thus, a trend that has had Venezuela importing 70% of its food is slowly being reversed in the interest of ‘food sovereignty’.
The phenomenon of participatory democracy has its manifestation in the labor movement as well. Progressive currents within organized labor have articulated their opposition to globalization and their alternative strategy of co-management and self-management of factories by workers. But while the identification of co-, and self-management as a part of an alternative to neoliberalism is an important first step, the democratization of the economy will eventually require a more detailed strategy that addresses control over production at a national level.
As vice minister of Labor Ricardo Dorado noted recently, this does not imply that anyone in Venezuela has ceased to respect property rights, but rather the assertion that they are not untouchable. According to Dorado, human rights should take precedence over property rights. Such logic is an important step towards the creation of what Dorado refers to as a ‘solidarity economy’—an economy oriented towards social investment, rather than exclusively towards profit. This requires the participation of the 50% of Venezuela’s workforce based in the informal sector, and of the 14% without work at all—both groups historically unaddressed by organized labor.
Labor in the Chávez Era
Three main factors caused the CTV to lose credibility with the rank & file throughout the nineties. The CTV was long perceived to be subordinated to the interests of the two traditional parties: the social-democratic Acción Democratica (AD) and the social-Christian Copei. The CTV’s complicity in the implementation of a neoliberal program in the 1990s was a product of this subordination of workers’ rights to clientelist politics. Finally, the CTV’s alliance with big-business beginning in 2001 and extending to the present was the last straw for many workers.
Giving voice to rising discontent among grassroots labor activists, the government forced the CTV to hold leadership elections by the base in 2001. This was the first such election in the federation’s history. But the elections backfired—abstention rates were between 50-70%, and there were so many reported irregularities and accusations of corruption, that the supreme court refused to recognize the results. Nonetheless, the alleged winner Carlos Ortega assumed the Presidency and began a determined campaign to overthrow Chávez, brining the CTV into close alliance with some of Venezuela’s most reactionary sectors.
Rank & file workers and local progressive leaders sympathetic to Chávez’ movement, or simply fed-up with the CTV, called for the establishment of an alternative confederation, resulting in the 2003 formation of the National Union of Venezuelan Workers (UNT). Support for the break was due more than any other single factor to the intensified cooperation between the CTV and big-business. Between 2001 and 2003 the CTV and the country’s largest chamber of commerce federation Fedecamaras cooperated in four general strikes, including one in April 2002 which led to a military coup against Chávez with the active cooperation of both the CTV and Fedecamaras. The coup was overturned by massive popular mobilization 48-hours later. But perhaps the most effective of these general strikes was one held from December, 2002 to January, 2003 and widely reported to be an employers’ lock-out—yet strangely, one led by the CTV.
For the past year the UNT and CTV have fought head-to-head over the country’s unions, each claiming they are the representative federation, and no-one really knowing the truth. Part of the difficulty stems from the lack of any independently confirmed registry for either federation. There is a lot at stake in proving themselves to be representative, not the least of which is the coveted right to represent Venezuelan labor at International Labor Organization (ILO) meetings. But more than merely a question of competition, the UNT represents a genuine threat to the CTV, advancing strategies in the interests of working people, in direct conflict with the CTV’s history of corporate unionism.
Building Organic Unions
Democratic unionism has been a contagious concept for Venezuelan workers, and the UNT has played an important role in promoting it. Over the past year and a half two main strategies have developed that are designed to initiate profound changes, both within labor organizations and factories. To increase their participation in unions, workers have begun pushing for regular, transparent elections. To increase their participation in factories, workers have been promoting the idea of co-, and self-management.
![]() |
| Leadership
of new union at Ford, elected by referendum
in 2000. Credit: Jonah Gindin |
Many local unions have never held elections since their formation, and of those that have, their transparency is often extremely questionable. In many instances, these unions have had the same leadership for the last 30 or even 40 years. Many workers reveal that while their unions did hold occasional assemblies to discuss policies or to hold elections, the worker that openly criticized, or spoke out against the leadership often arrived at work the following day to find that he had been fired.
As a result, many workers are beginning to exercise their constitutional right to form parallel unions in a bid to replace the old union. Once the parallel unions have garnered sufficient support amongst the workers, the choice between the two unions is submitted to a referendum. The victorious union is the only one legally allowed to represent the workers in collective bargaining. Such referendums have begun occurring more frequently, with at least 9 union referenda already in 2004—all with the new unions winning, and almost always by astonishingly high margins.
These new unions have excited workers about their prospects for advancing much-needed improvements in working conditions, wages, health care, and vacations. Increased rank and file participation has given workers more say over what is placed on the bargaining table in the first place, instead of being limited to ratifying or rejecting a platform designed exclusively by the leadership. And both the new-union leadership and the rank and file are acutely aware of the precedent that the referenda have set: if the new unions fail to deliver, or return to the corporatist tactics of old, they can always be replaced in a new referendum.
Democratizing the factory is also on the agenda, largely as a result of bankruptcies caused by the CTV and Fedecamaras’ general strikes and lock-outs. Supported by the UNT, which has adopted the slogan “No to globalization, Yes to worker-management,” workers have occupied some of these factories, seeking to restart production under worker-management. An important example currently developing is the occupation of paper factory Venepal, after the company stopped production last September. If Venepal workers maintain control over the factory and restart production, it will set an important example for workers in similar situations elsewhere in the country. A successful example of existing co-management in Venezuela would be an important step in the development of an alternative economic and industrial strategy—with worker participation at its core.
![]() |
| Venepal
workers
march through the streets of Morón, where the factory is
located, to
garner community support for the take-over. The signs read: “Occupy,
Resist, and Produce,” and “We are all Venepal.” Credit: Claudio Villa |
Conclusion
The formation of the UNT and of the myriad new local unions replacing the CTV and their local partners represents a dynamic shift among Venezuelan workers from passive criticism of the old class-collaborationist policies to a truly new unionism that prioritizes democracy, and class-based politics.
The political discourse of these new
unions and of the UNT is
decidedly radical. They go far beyond bread and butter issues,
including demands for pronounced political changes from the local
grassroots level to the national, and the international. They
argue
that in the struggle against the neoliberal policies that have ravaged
Venezuelan workers it is not enough to bargain for higher wages, or
better benefits. Rather, a more profound struggle against
neoliberal
practices themselves are necessary, and this requires workers to take
the fight to capitalism directly. Not merely inflamed rhetoric in
a
country whose President has publicly and consistently criticized the
distorted logic of capitalism, the new unionism has spawned serious
debates on possible alternatives.
http://www.venezuelanalysis.com/articles.php?artno=1296

Scalar Electromagnetic
Weapons and their Terrorist Use:
Immediate Strategic
Aspects of the Asymmetric War on the U.S.
T. E. Bearden
Oct. 13, 2004
Drafted Sept. 11, 2004 on the Third Anniversary of 9/11/01
Prior to 1990, our weather over North America was being steadily engineered by the KGB ¾ particularly beginning on July 4, 1976 ¾ using giant strategic scalar interferometers on site in Russia {[i],[ii],[iii],[iv]}. From the beginning of the development program started shortly after WW II, the KGB personally controlled the development of startling new Russian weapons under the Soviet energetics program {[v],[vi],[vii]}. That program was for research and eventual development of highly advanced new superweapons more powerful than the atomic bomb.
The new superweapons were developed, produced, manned, and operated by the KGB itself, and were never placed in the hands of the regular Russian armed forces. Speaking to the Presidium in 1960, Khrushchev referred to the forthcoming scalar interferometer weapons with the following statement:
"We have a new weapon ¾ just within the portfolio
of our scientists,
so to speak ¾ so powerful that, if
unrestrainedly used, it could wipe out all life on earth."
The large Soviet strategic scalar interferometers were deployed and became operational in April 1963 ¾ a bit too late for Khrushchev to use and counter the U.S. confrontation in the Cuban Missile Crisis of latter 1962. However, the first operational weapon was used to destroy the U.S.S. Thresher nuclear submarine underwater and on maneuvers off the East Coast of the United States, in April 1963. Thereby Khrushchev demonstrated the power of his new weapons over one of the major three elements of the strategic military nuclear firepower of the United States. Extension to the other two elements ¾ ICBMs and strategic bombers ¾ was obvious.
Many dramatic but largely unheralded incidents occurred during the so-called “Cold War”. For example, in the 1970s a small nation saved us from being totally destroyed by Soviet nuclear weapons which had been inserted in our cities. That nation did it very simply: They also inserted an appreciable number of nuclear weapons of their own inside Russia itself, in its population centers and its primary target zones. Some of them were thermonuclear.
All these inserted nuclear weapons ¾ both in the United States and in Russia ¾ are still there with their activation teams, waiting. In such manner was the “balance of terror” ¾ the Mutual Assured Destruction or MAD doctrine ¾ really implemented and enforced vis a vis the Soviet Union.
In April 1986 a secretive little U. S. group intervened in a forthcoming giant earthquake being built up by the KGB scalar interferometers for the greater Los Angeles and San Francisco areas. Via a special electronic device, the group suddenly destroyed one of the distant Soviet scalar interferometer transmitters ¾ thereby initiating the nearby Chernobyl nuclear incident but preventing the loss of perhaps 200,000 U.S. lives in Los Angeles and San Francisco, together with terrible destruction and economic damage.
Also in 1986, the same friendly little nation again prevented our strategic destruction by even more powerful energetics weapons developed by the Soviet Union. The friendly nation simply began exploding very large Russian missile ammunition storage sites, as a direct warning of what was in store for the Soviet Union if the Soviets attacked.
In 1997, again the U.S. would have been utterly destroyed on two occasions had it not been for the same little nation. Several professional colleagues and I played a desperate role in both those incidents; they were frighteningly real but also totally unreported in the news media. Indeed, our own intelligence agencies had no inkling that a full strategic Soviet superweapon attack to destroy the United States was imminent on each of the occasions (the second of which would have occurred on May 1, 1997) {[viii]}. The May Day for 1997 would have been the “big one”, had the FSB/KGB not been checkmated by “an offer it could not refuse” ¾ delivered once again by the friendly nation. During those critical periods when every hour on the clock seemed a week in length, the hostile armada that would have struck us included the Japanese Yakuza and Aum Shinrikyo teams on site in Russia, operating leased KGB/FSB strategic scalar interferometers against the U.S.
With the collapse of the old Soviet Union’s economy, by the end of 1989 the Russian financial situation was grim. By courtesy of the Russian Mafia {[ix]} which works directly for the FSB/KGB, a rogue Japanese group consisting of the Yakuza {[x]} and Aum Shinrikyo {[xi]} was conducted to Russia in latter 1989, met with the KGB, and leased some of those large KGB strategic scalar interferometers on site in Russia {[xii]}. The down payment was $900 million U.S. in gold bullion, and the lease is rumored to be some $1 billion per year.
The Yakuza and Aum Shinrikyo then assigned teams to man those superweapon sites and begin weather engineering operations against the United States and other targets. The Aum Shinrikyo even set up a small university in Russia where the energetics theory and technology could be taught to the rogue Japanese teams by the KGB scientists.
The rogue Japanese teams underwent extensive training and in 1990 they began operating these large strategic interferometers {[xiii]} worldwide, including performing extensive weather engineering operations, directly under the supervision of the FSB/KGB. The use of the Yakuza and its vast resources worldwide was thus incorporated into the FSB/KGB planning and coordination for the coming destruction of the United States and the Western world.
Much later, Western investigations into the Aum Shinrikyo did clearly establish the sect’s links in Russia, but missed the major involvement of the Yakuza. The Soviets easily made it appear that contact of the Aum Shinrikyo with Russia had been harmless. Quoting Turbiville {[xiv]}:
“Russian, Japanese, and
other investigators quickly identified a substantial number of sect
[Aum
Shinrikyo] members in Russia, including members in the government and
other
walks of life. Media commentators took note of a 'gas analyzer' of
Russian
origin seized at a sect facility; reports of Aum Shinrikyo sect members
among
Russian Radiation, Chemical, and Biological Defenses Troops; alleged
sect ties
to the Russian Academy of Sciences; the large volume of commercial
Russian ship
and aircraft traffic between Russia and Japan; and other issues that
suggested
questionable Russo-Japanese linkages to sarin production or
transport...
Official Russian military and security service spokesmen, while
acknowledging
Aum Shinrikyo's presence in Russia, reiterated the absolute security of
military
chemical depots and munitions..."
So in early 1990, the weather engineering operations over North America were assumed from the FSB/KGB by the Yakuza/Aum Shinrikyo teams, and operations continued with the Yakuza’s leased giant scalar interferometers. The weather engineering against the United States continues today under the rogue Japanese teams on site in Russia, with direct FSB/KGB supervision.
In 2004 we have entered the 2-year “final preparation phase”. These operations have been intensified and will continue to be intense, wreaking great economic damage. Hurricanes Charlie, Frances, Ivan, Jeanne, etc. have been no exception to the Yakuza weather engineering, which included directly influencing and controlling each hurricane’s power and behavior, as well as directing its course and speed so as to choose its targeting path. Indeed, Ivan did a 180 degree turn, and Jeanne did a 360 degree loop before reaching Florida, demonstrating the degree of control available.
Meteorologists do recognize periods of increased or decreased hurricane activity for various reasons{[xv]} , but they do not consider deliberate human induction of hurricanes or human control over their direction, power, and progress.
Indeed, in latter March of 2004, Hurricane Catarina ¾ the first-ever recorded hurricane in the South Atlantic ¾ formed and came ashore in Brazil on March 28 with 90 mph winds, doing substantial damage. So while the conventional wisdom is that hurricanes cannot form (naturally) in the South Atlantic; this one did and “broke all the records”. It appears to have been a “deliberate probe” by the Yakuza: Produce and drive ashore a hurricane where the textbooks state one is impossible, to test whether Western governments and scientists recognize the artificial weather engineering. The answer, of course, is that ¾ as expected ¾ the West did not recognize its importance, or that it was a deliberate “stimulus.” Western meteorologists and governments simply shrugged off Hurricane Catarina as an interesting little phenomenon but of no great concern.
After leasing the KGB/FSB scalar interferometers on site in Russia at the end of 1989, the Yakuza later carried the scalar electromagnetics (energetics) technology and science for such interferometry back to Japan. There they set up their own clandestine facilities to manufacture such weapons, including small portable scalar interferometers, EMP weapons, and possibly even negative energy EMP weapons.
Selected portable weapons of such types are to be inserted ¾ probably some have already been inserted ¾ into the U.S. and used internally by the Yakuza in its coming destruction of our centralized electrical power system. With the final coup de grace to be delivered about two years from now, the loss of our national electrical power system is intended to evoke the catastrophic collapse of the entire U.S. economy, followed by the fall of other Western nations’ economies like toppling dominoes.
The problem is this: The U.S. Government, scientific community, intelligence community, and electrical power industry seem totally incapable of confronting the desperate requirement to replace our entire centralized electrical power system with fuel-free self-powering “energy from the vacuum” (EFTV) systems, as rapidly as is humanly possible. Mere mention of such a requirement engenders psychological displacement activity and denial. Hence the U.S. continues its “energy business as usual”, while the clock ticks away to our destruction.
In the past we have used the phrase “scalar electromagnetics” and “scalar interferometry” {13} to describe the longitudinal EM wave transmitters used in these interferometer weapons. Tesla did not originate the term, nor did he originate scalar interferometry, although he had indeed stumbled onto longitudinal EM waves and what can only be called force-free precursor engineering {[xvi]}. Quoting Tesla {[xvii]}:
"...I showed that the
universal medium is a gaseous body in which only longitudinal pulses
can be
propagated, involving alternating compressions and expansions similar
to those
produced by sound waves in the air. Thus, a wireless transmitter does
not emit
Hertz waves which are a myth, but sound waves in the ether, behaving in
every
respect like those in the air, except that, owing to the great elastic
force
and extremely small density of the medium, their speed is that of
light.”
If one replaces the words “gaseous body” with the modern term “virtual particle flux (active virtual state gas) of the vacuum”, one sees Tesla’s words in agreement with the basic view of the modern active vacuum. Discovery of EM longitudinal waves ¾ which actually comprise all normal EM waves, fields, and potentials {[xviii],[xix]} ¾ leads to a much more fundamental electrodynamics, including sophisticated altering of ordinary EM waves, potentials, and fields to contain hidden internal Whittaker field vectors and their dynamics.
The energy density of the vacuum energy comprises an enormously powerful “scalar potential of the vacuum/spacetime”. As such, this potential (i.e., the vacuum energy flux and Einstein’s 4-space itself) decomposes into Whittaker harmonic sets of bidirectional EM longitudinal phase conjugate wavepairs {18}.The Western classical force-field electrodynamics is a lower group symmetry electrodynamics ¾ i.e., U(1) symmetry EM ¾ which in turn is totally “engineerable from its very beginning” and from its inside out, by an EM of sufficiently higher group symmetry.
Our scientists, engineers, and thermodynamicists have largely failed to grasp the implications of the gauge freedom axiom once asymmetrical regauging is used rather than symmetrical regauging. The first requirement for EFTV systems producing more energy output than the operator alone inputs, is to violate the invariance of the theoretical equations and thus break Lorentz symmetry as well[1]. Further, when one deals with the force-free EM field, potential, and wave as it exists in mass-free space, one does not have to “pay” to furnish the energy necessary to develop powerful working forces a priori. Instead, one only has to deliberately direct nature’s own energy flows, exhibited by the internal Whittaker composition of any EM “static” potential, field, or wave in space. Force is an ongoing effect of a more primary ongoing interaction, not a fundamental cause. By asymmetrically directing the free Whittaker EM energy flows from almost freely established “static” fields and potentials, forces in charged matter can in theory be generated to almost any strength and in any pattern set, including with a chosen internal dynamics.
This is the ultimate “far from equilibrium” thermodynamics approach. In such manner, one uses negative entropy engineering, in total violation of the present flawed Second Law of thermodynamics {[xx]}.
There are no “integrated (observable) forces” in space, since force and force fields exist only in matter. Our fundamental mechanics greatly errs in assuming a separate force in mass-free space, acting upon a separate mass. No such “separate force in mass-free space” exists, or can exist, since mass is a component of force by F º d/dt(mv). No mass, no force. As Nobelist Feynman stated:
"Everything we know is
only some kind of approximation, therefore, things must be learned only
to be
unlearned again or, more likely, corrected."
Speaking about force, Feynman stated {[xxi]}:
"…in dealing with
force the tacit assumption is always made that the force is equal to
zero
unless some physical body is present… One of the most important
characteristics
of force is that it has a material origin…" “If
you insist on a precise definition of force, you will never
get it!”
So then what kind of electromagnetics exists in force-free space, prior to the presence of mass and thus prior to the formation of forces and force fields assumed by the present CEM/EE? Speaking of the electric field in space from a source positive charge, and the responses of charged masses placed in that field and interacting with it, Feynman stated {[xxii]}:
"…the existence of the positive charge, in some sense, distorts, or creates a "condition" in space, so that when we put the negative charge in, it feels a force. This potentiality for producing a force is called an electric field."
What basically exists in mass-free (nonintegrated) spacetime is the disintegrated and disordered virtual particle flux (VPF) of the vacuum. All the energy is virtual state energy and we may state that the basic “enormous” vacuum energy ¾ if it were coherently integrated ¾ is disintegrated into very tiny virtual bits of energy. An EM field, or potential, or wave in vacuum (in empty space) is actually an organization (ordering) and dynamics imposed upon and in the basic disordered VPF and virtual energy. The fundamental field or potential is thus an “organizing pattern” and must already include negative entropy (to reorder the disordered virtual energy of the vacuum) a priori {[xxiii]}.
Any persisting (pattern) EM change (organization) in a region of the VPF ¾ once it interacts with observable charged matter ¾ can be and is integrated to observable (quantum) level, producing force and force fields in the interacting charged matter.
There is no observable force a priori until a pattern of virtual change in a region of the vacuum is reacting with observable matter and being integrated to observable quantum level in that interaction. We have explained that integration process elsewhere {23,[xxiv]}, as demonstrated by every charge in the universe.
To explain longitudinal EM waves in the vacuum, and also to explain their detection as transverse waves in a receiving conductor {[xxv]}, one merely points out the known severe longitudinal flow restraint on the Drude electrons in a conductor. While the electrons in the Drude gas may individually move at greater velocity, their net flow longitudinally down the conductor is the drift velocity {[xxvi]} and it is usually on the order of a few centimeters per second in a typical bench circuit with small voltages and currents {[xxvii]}. The electron longitudinal velocity down the conductor is very much less than the speed of the field or potential down the wire. Hence there exists a very effective gyroscopic restraint of the electron’s spinning gyro axes in the longitudinal or “current flow” direction.
The Drude electrons ¾ due to their continuous spin ¾ act as gyros with longitudinally restrained axes, when the longitudinal EM force kindles (integrates) upon them from the vacuum precursor (force free) field interaction. The longitudinally restrained Drude electron occasionally slips a bit longitudinally, but it is immensely freer to move transversely. So it easily precesses laterally, and the lateral motions can be very large and/or very fast indeed. The intense lateral precession of the “Drude electron as a gyro” quite well demonstrates the longitudinal nature of the causative disturbing precursor agent, with the longitudinal impulse force strongly resisted by the longitudinal restraint force, and with most of the electron’s effect force being the resulting gyro-electron precession force at right angles.
Even for electrons in empty space, their inertia together with their spin results in a similar much larger precession at right angles to the disturbing force created upon them by the precursor force-free fields and waves.
The observation of the
“lateral electron precession waves” of these precessing Drude electrons
in our
instruments is the accepted “measurement” of the so-called “transverse
EM waves
in vacuum”. The measurement does not measure the oscillation direction
of the
causative precursor EM wave in vacuum at all, but only its oscillation
effect created
in the Drude electron charged matter. There are really no transverse EM
waves
in mass-free space, albeit we seem to be stuck with such a model since
the
founders of classical electrodynamics assumed the material ether
filling all
space, and thus used matter waves (force field waves) in space in their
modeling. If there were such a
material ether, then there would be matter at every point in space, and
there
would indeed be transverse charge precession EM waves in this “ethereal
but
real matter” filling all space. The continued implicit assumption of a
material
ether, and the continuing erroneous misinterpretation of what our
measurement
instruments are measuring, has been erroneously propagated to the
present day
in electrodynamics since at least 1865. Yet the material ether has been
falsified for more than a century, since 1887. The false assumption of
the
material ether and the resulting false assumption of the transverse EM
force
field wave in space continues even after Drude’s fundamental work.
To my knowledge, no other Western analyst has pointed out the connection between longitudinal restraint of the Drude electrons to a slow drift velocity, with the restrained electron’s lateral precession in such a case. So we argue that the Drude electron precession proves that the EM waves in matter-free space are longitudinal rather than transverse, precisely as Tesla stated. We pointed out this anomaly in the erroneous “force in empty space” theory for years, to little avail. The Soviets weaponized it.
The misinterpretation of the detected transverse EM force field waves as actual force-field waves in a material space has been perpetuated erroneously in classical electrodynamics since its inception, and it continues today. The entire U.S. scientific apparatus ¾ including the National Academy of Sciences, National Science Foundation, Department of Energy, national laboratories, and universities ¾ continues to bury its head firmly in the sand, covering itself with the old luminiferous material ether.
Those measured waves in our measuring instruments really are transverse EM force field effect waves in and of the interacting Drude electron material medium in the conductors of the intercepting instrument. But the causative interacting EM field entities in the vacuum are themselves force-free longitudinal EM wave disturbances of the curvature of spacetime (general relativity view) and of the local VPF of the vacuum (particle physics view). Else the theory of gyro precession is voided by every Drude electron and by every transverse EM force field wave detection in Drude electron gases.
The EM force fields so blithely assumed by our present electrodynamics absolutely do not and cannot exist in mass-free space, since force only exists in a mass system in and during its ongoing interaction with the force-free precursor fields. The elemental responses of the charged mass system are